John McCain - Leading the United States to a New Beginning!

2009-06-17T07:02:00.001-07:00

How President McCain Might Have Handled Iran

Days like today are one reason I supported the no-nonsense war hero John McCain over Barack Obama.

After the presidential election in Iran was apparently stolen, thousands of protesters took to the streets. Instead of the United States boldly supporting the cause of liberty, and defending dissidents, President Obama meekly said, "It's not productive given the history of U.S.-Iranian relations to be seen as meddling."

That -- of course -- was not a great moment in leadership.

President John F. Kennedy did not say we would "bear any burden -- so long as we don't interfere." Nor can one imagine Winston Churchill saying, "We will fight on the land -- so long as we don't meddle." Nor can one imagine Ronald Reagan saying "Tear down this wall! -- if you're cool with it..."

If the strongest nation in the free world is not willing to take a stand and at least provide moral support for those willing to risk their lives for liberty, the America I know is long gone. While it is understandable for Obama to not invade a nation over this injustice, it is quite another thing to not even bother to forcefully condemn it. Having a humble foreign policy does not preclude one from moral clarity.

Meanwhile, Republican House Whip Eric Cantor (R-Va.) released a statement calling on Obama to "take a strong public position in the face of violence and human rights abuses." Cantor added that the United States has a "moral responsibility to lead in opposition to Iran's extreme response to peaceful protests." Cantor's full remarks are here.

We'll never know what President McCain would have said, but it's pretty safe to say that he would have taken a forceful stand -- once again positioning America as a beacon of freedom and the last, best hope on Earth.

Instead, we risk becoming a cynical nation that makes decisions based on perceived short-term diplomatic gain.

That's not change I can believe in.

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Obama will gain from honoring McCain

2009-01-14T07:45:00.000-08:00

By James Forsyth

In a classy gesture, Barack Obama is holding an inaugural eve dinner to honour John McCain. (There are other dinners that night for Colin Powell and Joe Biden). But it is also smart politics, as it costs Obama little and gains much.

McCain is a genuine American hero and the evening will be seen, and is presumably intended to be seen, as a sign that Obama is moving from being the candidate of one party to the president of the whole country. McCain isn’t going to run for president again and his support for various initiatives—think immigratio reform and climate change legislation—would give them a pleasing bi-partisan sheen.

The dinner will make Obama’s administration appear bi-partisan without actually having to compromise on policy.

The soft-focus side of bi-partisanship is something that Obama has excelled at throughout his career. His 2004 convention address, which put such rocket boosters under his rise, was an exercise in it. Now, that he is the president we can expect much more of it. I suspect that, for example, the meetings with all previous Secretaries of State and Defense that the Bush administration instituted in its second term will become major events. Last week’s lunch for all living presidents was, after all, the idea of Obama’s chief of staff.

The conspicuous appearance of bipartisanship will make it harder for those within the Republican Party who argue that the party shouldn’t cooperate with the incoming presiden on the grounds that it should want clean hands if everything goes wrong.

McCain, who will be keen to restore his image as a bi-partisan figure after the election campaign, will be in the cooperation camp. It is to Obama’s benefit to boost his standing and isolate those who are reluctant to work with him.

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What if John McCain had been elected president?

2008-12-24T20:28:00.000-08:00

Before we throw Barack Obama under the bus for giving a prominent role to a conservative pastor, let’s imagine the reaction if things were reversed.

By Chris Crain

What if John McCain had been elected president? I know the idea is a bit of a throwback, considering the shellacking the Arizona septuagenarian got from the Illinois senator with the funny name. But just imagine for a minute.

Conservatives would be gleeful, Sarah Palin would be on cable news 24-7 (actually, that happened anyway), and President-elect McCain would be planning his inauguration. Then imagine, in a conciliatory gesture toward Obama supporters, McCain selects Gene Robinson, the openly gay Episcopal bishop, to give the invocation. In a nod to his own supporters, he chooses the evangelical leader Rick Warren to give the benediction.

We know what the response would be. The Republican right would be furious: What a kick in the teeth from McCain to choose a minister whose elevation was an indictment of their core religious beliefs, and who advocates the destruction of traditional marriage and the murder of millions of aborted fetuses!

Gay rights groups and bloggers, still reeling from Obama’s unexpected defeat, would be cheered by McCain’s unexpected and courageous attempt at reconciliation. Press releases from progressives would defend McCain against charges of betrayal, chastising conservatives for their intolerance and their insistence on dividing, not unifying. Besides, they would point out, the benediction will come from Rick Warren, who opposes gay marriage and supported Proposition 8 in California.

You see where I’m going here? We know that, happily for us, history unfolded in opposite fashion, and Barack Obama chose Rick Warren to give his inaugural invocation, and civil rights hero Joseph Lowery, who supports full marriage equality, to say the benediction.

Yet the response from many gay bloggers and rights groups has been every bit as reactionary and intolerant as the Republican right would have been toward Robinson. Aren’t we better than that?

Can’t we see how any meaningful attempt by President-elect Obama to unify the country must include McCain voters, including the 31 million who bought Warren’s best-seller “The Purpose-Driven Life,” and the additional millions who agree with gay marriage opposition?

Can’t we keep our eyes on the prize? This inauguration will install the most pro-gay president, by far, in the history of this country. If reaching out to conservatives buys Obama some additional political capital, that is to our great benefit.

Aren’t we the ones who have argued till we are blue in the face for the separation of church and state? It’s always been a core part of our movement to oppose any attempt by one set of Americans to demand their religious views receive official favor, or that those with contrary views be excluded.

And yet here we are, basically demanding the president-elect remove one minister from his role in a public ceremony because of his religious beliefs and replace him with one whose beliefs we find more acceptable. Are we proving we are no better, when we have access to power, than our conservative opponents?

The misuse of public ceremonies to show official favor for one group over another runs afoul of the First Amendment’s “establishment clause,” which prohibits the establishment of an official religion, or from sending signals that some faith groups or views are preferred over others by government.

That’s why the courts won’t permit sectarian prayers in public schools, and why we no longer have manger scenes at Christmas time in front of city hall. That’s also why Roy Moore, the virulently anti-gay chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court, was booted from office after he insisted on a Ten Commandments monument in the courthouse rotunda.

To be fair, it is partly Obama and Warren’s fault that church and state are entangled here. The president-elect’s decision to include inaugural prayers at all, while noncontroversial and in keeping with tradition, opened the door to this debate. What’s more, marriage as an institution is a conflation of church and state, “vesting power” in ministers to officiate at a religious ceremony with civil legal effect.

Warren makes matters worse by basing his opposition to gay marriage and support for Proposition 8 on his own religious beliefs about homosexuality. If you think about it, exclusionary marriage laws are also contrary to the First Amendment, since the primary intent -- repeated by politicians and pastors alike – is to preserve “the sanctity of marriage.” The government ought not be choosing which faith group’s views about marriage will be enshrined in the law or excluded from public ceremonies.

Those of us so exorcised by the idea of Warren saying a two-minute prayer would be much better served by arguing for church-state separation, in marriage laws and public ceremonies, than by demanding the president-elect show favor to friendlier religious beliefs.

Chris Crain is former editor of the Washington Blade and five other gay publications and now edits GayNewsWatch.com. He can be reached via his blog at www.citizencrain.com

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Presidential Pooch Bites Reporter

2008-11-06T21:39:00.000-08:00

By BEN FELLER, AP

Talk about a biting critique of the press.

It seems President Bush's dog Barney wasn't much in the mood for friendly attention during his walk outside the White House on Thursday. So when Reuters reporter Jon Decker reached down to pet the Scottish terrier, the seemingly docile dog snapped at him and bit Decker's right index finger.

Barney won't have to worry about bothersome reporters much longer. The Bush administration ends in 75 days, and the president is headed back to Texas.

Sally McDonough, a spokeswoman for first lady Laura Bush, said of Barney: "I think it was his way of saying he was done with the paparazzi."

Mrs. Bush asked McDonough to call Decker and make sure he was fine. She reports that Decker "is being a good sport about it all."

The intrepid reporter got bandaged up by the White House doctor.
As he says in the YouTube clip: "I got bit by Barney, and unfortunately it broke the skin, and I have to be on antibiotics for the next few days."

Consider it a cautionary tale. The incoming president, Barack Obama, has promised to buy daughters Malia and Sasha a puppy.

Sarah Palin 2012 Website: http://sarahpalinusa.blogspot.com

McCain starts mapping out a new role in the Senate

2008-11-05T14:50:00.000-08:00

Before resting from the grueling presidential race, John McCain began discussing with senior aides what role he will play in the Senate now that he has promised to work with the man who defeated him for president. One obvious focus will be the war in Iraq. After two years spent more on the campaign than in the Senate, McCain will return as the ranking Republican on the Armed Services Committee.

That will put the four-term Arizona senator in a position to influence Democrat Barack Obama's plan to set a timetable to withdraw U.S. troops from combat in Iraq.

During the campaign, McCain staunchly opposed setting such a time frame, even as the Iraqi government began working with the Bush administration to do so.

But in conceding the presidency to Obama Tuesday night at a Phoenix hotel, McCain pledged "to do all in my power to help him lead us through the many challenges we face."

He allowed that defeat was disappointing but said that starting Wednesday "we must move beyond it and work together to get our country moving again."

Aides said they believed McCain would work well with Obama as president because much of his best work in the Senate had been done with Democrats, including a landmark campaign finance law he crafted with Wisconsin Sen. Russ Feingold and an unsuccessful effort with Massachusetts Sen. Edward M. Kennedy to pass comprehensive immigration reform.

The day after Election Day quickly returned McCain to something much closer to normal life. After months of travel on his campaign bus or plane, McCain and his wife, Cindy, drove themselves to Starbucks for coffee near their Phoenix condominium.

McCain and his family planned to spend a few days at their vacation compound near Sedona, Ariz., to rest from the long contest.

Friends said that despite his disappointment, McCain also was relieved that the demanding campaign was finally over. Aides said he was relaxed Tuesday night — at peace with his loss and confident that he had done his best in a political climate where a failing economy, an unpopular GOP president and two lingering wars set steep odds against a Republican victory.

"We fought as hard as we could. And though we fell short, the failure is mine, not yours," McCain told supporters Tuesday night. "I don't know what more we could have done to try to win this election. I'll leave that to others to determine."

Back to McCain for USA homepage:

Sarah Palin 2012 Website: http://sarahpalinusa.blogspot.com

What Does El Rusbo's Gut Say?

2008-10-30T13:22:00.000-07:00

Let's hear what Rush has to say:

RUSH: Now, Mr. Snerdley mentioned to me at the top of the break, he said, "I don't understand, Rush. You wouldn't believe the phone calls."

They're people who don't want to go on the air, Democrat, liberal voters are calling and gloating, and they're saying, "Boy, Rush, we love listening to you now. We just love it 'cause we know our guy's got it in the bag. It's over with, and I don't care what Rush says. It doesn't bother me. I'm at peace. I'm in a state of calm." You had a couple calls like that, right? And of course they think this because they were watching television, and it's in the bag. We've got a Pew poll out today has it 53-38 Obama. We have a Rasmussen poll out, three points. We got a Gallup poll, two points. We have the IDB/TIPP poll at 2.8 or some such thing. Zogby, their numbers today, are a little under five. They're call it "static"; the race is static. AP most recent AP poll is two points. But you still have ABC/Washington Post up there at 15 and the Newsweek poll they're still pretty large. They're all over the place.

Snerdley says, "Look, I know how to watch TV. You have taught me well, and I'm convinced, Rush. It's over. It's over. I mean, I look at their electoral maps, and I look at the whole thing and every state's blue! I don't see McCain winning but two or three electoral votes, two or three states. That's what they're showing me on TV." (sigh) You know, folks, people ask me all the time. "What do you think is going to happen?" and I don't know. And this is the first time in a lot of elections that my gut's not telling me anything, either. Now, normally I get instincts. Normally my gut says, "Go against the conventional wisdom." That's pretty normal for me. Normally my gut says, I think I know what's going to happen. When I have that gut instinct, then I pass it on.

I'm confused. My gut does not tell me anything here. The most honest thing you can tell you is, "I have no idea what's going to happen," but at the same time my gut does not say big-time Obama landslide. My gut also doesn't say a McCain surprise win. I just have no feeling for this, because it is way too far off the board. And there are other factors, too. We've been through them. I think the reason my gut is not giving me any guidance, as it were, is that I do believe this election is a referendum on Obama, up or down, and I don't know how that's going to play out. You know, I don't know how many people are actually going to vote for McCain because they're voting for McCain or voting for Palin, as to how many are voting against Obama. That's why I think my gut here is silent on this.

But I will tell you, I do have some gut human reactions. And I do have a traditional, highly respected view of the people of this country. Despite the devolution of pop culture and despite the rise of a lack of thinking and applied thought in our culture, having given way to a swarm of people who simply feel -- and I don't know how large either group is. I don't know which one's the majority, thinkers or feelers. I just don't know. But my traditional belief of the country tells me that average, ordinary Americans watch what's happening with the media in the coverage of this campaign and resent the hell out of it. The American people love fair, right? You can say what you want about the media, bias and all that. This is not even fair, and they expect fairness from the media.

Objectivity and all that, yeah, but they expect fairness. If you're going to go after people, go after everybody. I mean you've got two people here asking for the most power we ever give people, and they're only going after one. They're not investigating the other guy. I think most Americans think "fairness," which to me is an elusive concept anyway, but still most Americans have it, and this is not fair. I think most people know it. I think most people also are offended by anybody who gloats and is arrogant and is acting as though they've won, whatever it is, before it's over. I can't tell you the number of times I have watched a baseball or football game with people and one team's got a player or two that go up a touchdown with three minutes left to go, after coming back from being down two or three touchdowns.

The guy that scored the touchdown starts gloating and starts taunting other people, and the people watch that and say, "I hope that team loses." They don't like that kind of behavior being rewarded. They love people getting comeuppances. They love people who think they have it in the bag, finding out they didn't even have the bag, much less were they in it. Obama with his speeches in Berlin and running around the media and everybody acting like this is all over, and this 30-minute inaugural address tonight? I don't think it has anything to do with delaying the World Series. I just think, "Okay, Obama. We see. It's a little overkill here," a little backlash to the media, a little backlash to Obama, the arrogance and smugness of Obama.

Now, I still think that there are enough Americans that are repulsed by this that it can affect the way they vote. But other than that -- and I also really do not believe, and this is where I could be dead wrong; we're going to find out next Tuesday. I do not believe that a majority of voters -- not a majority of people in the country, that's a different equation. But I don't believe yet that a majority of voters are ready to give away their freedom. I don't believe that a majority of voters are ready to turn over the keys of this country to somebody about whom they don't know anything, about somebody who will not tell them anything about himself. I just don't believe there are people in this country -- a majority of voters in this country -- who are going to sign up for making The Government the most important aspect of their lives. We'll find out Tuesday.

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Sarah Palin 2012 Website: http://sarahpalinusa.blogspot.com

Republican Bumper Stickers

2008-10-25T18:58:00.000-07:00

Here are some new bumper stickers that are making the rounds. Please print them out and circulate. There is not much time left.

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Christian right intensifies attacks on Obama

2008-10-25T07:41:00.000-07:00

By Eric Gorski and Rachel Zoll

Terrorist strikes on four American cities. Russia rolling into Eastern Europe. Israel hit by a nuclear bomb. Gay marriage in every state. The end of the Boy Scouts.

All are plausible scenarios if Democrat Barack Obama is elected president, according to a new addition to the campaign conversation called "Letter from 2012 in Obama's America," produced by the conservative Christian group Focus on the Family Action.

The imagined look into the future is part of an escalation in rhetoric from Christian right activists who are trying to paint Obama in the worst possible terms as the campaign heads into the final stretch and polls show the Democrat ahead.

Although hard-edge attacks are common late in campaigns, the tenor of the strikes against Obama illustrate just how worried conservative Christian activists are about what should happen to their causes and influence if Democrats seize control of both Congress and the White House.

Like other political advocacy groups, Christian right groups often raise worries about an election's consequences to mobilize voters. In the early 1980s, for example, direct mail from the Moral Majority warned that Congress would turn a blind eye to "smut peddlers" dangling pornography to children.

"Everyone uses fear in the last part of a campaign, but evangelicals are especially theologically prone to those sorts of arguments," said Clyde Wilcox, a Georgetown University political scientist. "There's a long tradition of predicting doom and gloom."

But the tone this election year is sharper than usual and the volume has turned up as Nov. 4 nears.

Steve Strang, publisher of Charisma magazine, a Pentecostal publication, titled one of his recent weekly e-mails to readers, "Life As We Know It Will End If Obama is Elected."

Strang said gay rights and abortion rights would be strengthened in an Obama administration, taxes would rise and "people who hate Christianity will be emboldened to attack our freedoms."

Separately, a group called the Christian Anti-Defamation Commission has posted a series of videos on its site and on YouTube called "7 Reasons Barack Obama is not a Christian."

The commission accuses Obama of "subtle diabolical deceit" in saying he is Christian, while he believes that people can be saved through other faiths.

But among the strongest pieces this year is Focus on the Family Action's letter which has been posted on the group's Web site and making the e-mail rounds. Signed by "A Christian from 2012," it claims a series of events could logically happen based on the group's interpretation of Obama's record, Democratic Party positions, recent court rulings and other trends.

Among the claims:

A 6-3 liberal majority Supreme Court that results in rulings like one making gay marriage the law of the land and another forcing the Boy Scouts to "hire homosexual scoutmasters and allow them to sleep in tents with young boys." (In the imagined scenario, The Boy Scouts choose to disband rather than obey).
A series of domestic and international disasters based on Obama's "reluctance to send troops overseas." That includes terrorist attacks on U.S. soil that kill hundreds, Russia occupying the Baltic states and Eastern European countries including Poland and the Czech Republic, and al-Qaida overwhelming Iraq.
Nationalized health care with long lines for surgery and no access to hospitals for people over 80.

The goal was to "articulate the big picture," said Carrie Gordon Earll, senior director of public policy for Focus on the Family Action. "If it is a doomsday picture, then it's a realistic picture," she said.

Obama favors abortion rights and supports civil unions for same-sex couples, but says states should make their own decisions about marriage. He said he would intensify diplomatic pressure on Iran over its nuclear ambitions and add troops in Afghanistan.

On taxes, Obama has proposed an increase on the 5 percent of taxpayers who make more than $250,000 a year and advocates cuts for those who make less. His health care plan calls for the government to subsidize coverage for millions of Americans who otherwise couldn't afford it.

Last-minute push?

In an interview, Strang said there are fewer state ballot measures to motivate conservative voters this election year and that the financial meltdown is distracting some voters from the abortion issue. But he said a last-minute push by conservative Christians in 2004 was key to Bush's re-election and predicted they could play the same role in 2008.

Kim Conger, a political scientist at Iowa State University, said a late push for evangelical voters did help Bush in 2004, "but it is a very different thing than getting people excited about John McCain," even with Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin as his vice presidential pick.

Phil Burress, head of the Ohio-based Citizens for Community Values, said the dynamics were quite different in 2004, when conservative Christians spent some energy calling Democrat John Kerry a flip-flopper but were mostly motivated by enthusiasm for George W. Bush.

Now, there is less excitement about McCain than fear of an Obama presidency, Burress said.

"This reminds me of when I was a school kid, when I had to go out in the hall and bury my head in my hands because of the atom bomb," he said.

Sarah Palin 2012 Website: http://sarahpalinusa.blogspot.com

A Question of Barack Obama's Character

2008-10-10T09:25:00.000-07:00

By Charles Krauthammer

WASHINGTON -- Convicted felon Tony Rezko. Unrepentant terrorist Bill Ayers. And the race-baiting Rev. Jeremiah Wright. It is hard to think of any presidential candidate before Barack Obama sporting associations with three more execrable characters. Yet let the McCain campaign raise the issue, and the mainstream media begin fulminating about dirty campaigning tinged with racism and McCarthyite guilt by association.

But associations are important. They provide a significant insight into character. They are particularly relevant in relation to a potential president as new, unknown, opaque and self-contained as Obama. With the economy overshadowing everything, it may be too late politically to be raising this issue. But that does not make it, as conventional wisdom holds, in any way illegitimate.

McCain should months ago have begun challenging Obama's associations, before the economic meltdown allowed the Obama campaign (and the mainstream media, which is to say the same thing) to dismiss the charges as an act of desperation by a trailing candidate.

McCain had his chance back in April when the North Carolina Republican Party ran a gubernatorial campaign ad that included the linking of Obama with Jeremiah Wright. The ad was duly denounced by The New York Times and other "deep thinkers" as racist.

This was patently absurd. Racism is treating people differently and invidiously on the basis of race. Had any white presidential candidate had a close 20-year association with a white preacher overtly spreading race hatred from the pulpit, that candidate would have been not just universally denounced and deemed unfit for office but written out of polite society entirely.

Nonetheless, John McCain in his infinite wisdom, and with his overflowing sense of personal rectitude, joined the braying mob in denouncing that perfectly legitimate ad, saying it had no place in any campaign. In doing so, McCain unilaterally disarmed himself, rendering off-limits Obama's associations, an issue that even Hillary Clinton addressed more than once.

Obama's political career was launched with Ayers giving him a fundraiser in his living room. If a Republican candidate had launched his political career at the home of an abortion-clinic bomber -- even a repentant one -- he would not have been able to run for dogcatcher in Podunk. And Ayers shows no remorse. His only regret is that he "didn't do enough."

Why are these associations important? Do I think Obama is as corrupt as Rezko? Or shares Wright's angry racism or Ayers' unreconstructed 1960s radicalism?

No. But that does not make these associations irrelevant. They tell us two important things about Obama.

First, his cynicism and ruthlessness. He found these men useful, and use them he did. Would you attend a church whose pastor was spreading racial animosity from the pulpit? Would you even shake hands with -- let alone serve on two boards with -- an unrepentant terrorist, whether he bombed U.S. military installations or abortion clinics?

Most Americans would not, on the grounds of sheer indecency. Yet Obama did, if not out of conviction then out of expediency. He was a young man on the make, an unknown outsider working his way into Chicago politics. He played the game with everyone, without qualms and with obvious success.

Obama is not the first politician to rise through a corrupt political machine. But he is one of the rare few to then have the audacity to present himself as a transcendent healer, hovering above and bringing redemption to the "old politics" -- of the kind he had enthusiastically embraced in Chicago in the service of his own ambition.

Second, and even more disturbing than the cynicism, is the window these associations give on Obama's core beliefs. He doesn't share Rev. Wright's poisonous views of race nor Ayers' views, past and present, about the evil that is American society. But Obama clearly did not consider these views beyond the pale. For many years he swam easily and without protest in that fetid pond.

Until now. Today, on the threshold of the presidency, Obama concedes the odiousness of these associations, which is why he has severed them. But for the years in which he sat in Wright's pews and shared common purpose on boards with Ayers, Obama considered them a legitimate, indeed unremarkable, part of social discourse.

Do you? Obama is a man of first-class intellect and first-class temperament. But his character remains highly suspect. There is a difference between temperament and character. Equanimity is a virtue. Tolerance of the obscene is not.

Sarah Palin 2012 Website: http://sarahpalinusa.blogspot.com

Wow.

Prayer can move mountains, why not Obama?

2008-09-30T21:58:00.000-07:00

From: ELIZABETH ROHN-N ELSON
Subject: Prayer can move mountains, why not Obama?

Being dismayed recently when a family member of mine said to me with great resignation that Obama will take the presidency. These words came from someone who in the past has been a
great prayer warrior.

What is happening was my question??? Why are we Christians settling and not issuing a battle cry and falling to our knees and taking our country back?

We allow ourselves to be stripped of the right to pray at school functions and in school, we have the 10 commandments removed from government places and are told we cannot pray in school, all the while providing public prayer places for Muslims. What in the world is going on and why are we being apathetic?

Why aren't we praying? Our God is a mighty God who is waiting patiently for us to raise our voices to heaven to stop the tide of the anti-Christ actions in our world today. Now we find we have a
charismatic candidate for president who does not respect our flag and refuses to wear one on his lapel except when it becomes politically expedient and whose own wife and pastor that he loves
profess to have strong anti-white feelings, and we sit back and say "it is a given, we can do nothing."

There has never been a time in 2000 years that we can do nothing, never a time that we must sit back and allow the evil in men's and women's hearts to take over our world. We should be very afraid because our apathy is leading us to perdition.

It is time for all Christian Americans to raise the battle cry and take our nation back. Maybe McCain on his own cannot defeat Obama, but our God can and He will if we take to our knees in prayer and
raise a mighty cry to the heavens to "Save us O Lord." We have the power t o change the course of this election and to keep a man as suspect as Barak Obama from leading our country to who knows
where with his message of "change" - a change which I fear will be away from our Christian ideals and away from Christ and further away from one nation under God.

We are great at passing stories and pictures around the internet, but where are our prayers and prayer warriors praying to stop this tide of Barak Obama? God parted the red sea, Jesus raised
himself from the dead, and we can bring our country back to its Christian roots and stop the move to the rise of Muslims in our country. We can stop our country from being "under Allah," but we must begin to pray, to pray as if our country and our lives depended on it, because they do. We can stop all these atrocities against God's commands that have taken root in our country through something as simple as sincere prayer, a call to God to deliver us, to forgive us our sins of apathy an d to protect us from the evil that is upon us.

Okay prayer warriors, here is your challenge, start those prayer chains. Get the spiritual power working on our behalf and stop Barak Obama the proper way, by calling on our God to save us
from the deception that charismatic preaching is using to lead us on the wrong path. Stop those who would take God out of our country and our government. Raise up good men to lead us and protect us.

George Bush is being buffeted because he has fought a holy war against the evils that attack us and we should not be surprised because a prophet is not honored in his own country. But we should not rest on our laurels and allow ourselves to be taken further off the path of Christianity and to have God removed from our presence in our schools, courts, government and businesses. Invite God into the fray. Ask that His power rest upon us and give us the victory. Ask him to raise up a mighty arm y to defend us and to protect our country as he did in days of old. Let us be victorious beginning NOW. The battle is His but we must call on Him without ceasing and unite our voices and hearts in prayer and fasting.

US presidential debate: Generations clash as Barack Obama confronts John McCain

2008-09-27T14:48:00.000-07:00

It was always going to be as much a generational clash as an ideological one.

By Phil Sherwell
Link to source article:

John McCain, the older man drily referred throughout to the young pretender as "Senator Obama" and ignored the moderator's efforts to persuade him to address his challenger directly, preferring to direct his comments to the audience in the hall and on television.

Barack Obama by contrast regularly called his rival "John", turned to face Mr McCain as he made his points, and even acknowledged that his foe was correct often enough for the Republicans to produce an instant YouTube video of the clips.

When Mr McCain spoke, his rival looked across at him; when Mr Obama spoke, Mr McCain fidgeted and alternately frowned and grinned as he stared resolutely ahead.

For students of body language, the veteran seemed to be showing a mixture of irritation and disdain for the new kid on the block. He repeatedly used variants on "Senator Obama doesn't seem to understand" in an effort to emphasise the experience gap.

The 25-year age difference - Mr McCain is 72 and Mr Obama 47 - was also clear in some of their references.

Mr McCain ran through his record on a series of foreign policy crises from 1983, alluded to his time in Vietnam, mentioned his 35-year friendship with Henry Kissinger and cited the experience of General Dwight D Eisenhower on the eve of the Normandy landings in 1944.

Mr Obama by contrast promised voters the chance to study the federal budget on a "Google for government" and criticised Mr McCain for his "20th century mindset" - arguably a harsh charge when we are only eight years into the 21st.

Mr McCain was also more chatty, jokey and impassioned than Mr Obama, who at times sank into his slightly detached academic style. But judging by early polling of viewers, the Arizona senator came across as contemptuous.

Foreign policy is widely viewed to be Mr McCain's strongest card - he overwhelmingly leads Mr Obama when voters say who they think would be a stronger commander-in-chief.

So it was surprising, if hardly a terrible blunder, when Mr McCain mangled the name of Iran's President Ahmadinejad once and called the new Pakistani leader "Kardari" rather than Zardari.

Both candidates also referred to Iran's Revolutionary Guards as the "Republican Guard" (actually the name for Saddam Hussein's elite Iraqi forces).

As the evening wore on, the debate degenerated into occasional bickering, most notably over the interpretation of recent comments by Dr Kissinger about the advisability of contacts with Iran.

The Republican foreign policy grandee later told a journalist he backed Mr McCain's version, but it is unlikely that exchange will win either man any votes.

The set was dominated by the predictably patriotic colours of red, white and blue, as were the sartorial choices of the two men.

But Mr Obama also donned a Stars and Stripes flagpin - a symbol that he was criticised for spurning for much of the primary campaign - while Mr McCain, who faces no questions about his patriotism, did not.

In a contest of firsts, even the debate's setting was highly symbolic.

In the 1960s, Ole Miss, as the University of Mississippi is known, was on the frontline of the bloody civil rights struggle when the local authorities tried to block James Meredith, a black student, from enrolling.

Just two generations after young black and white activists were murdered in Mississippi in the fight for voting rights, the first African American to compete a presidential election arrived back at the university to make his pitch for the nation's top job.

During the evening, reporters' email in-boxes were bombarded with missives from the campaigns' rapid reaction teams critiquing the debate. The Obama campaign managed to fire off an impressive 33 such emails in less than four hours.

And the evening ended in the peculiarly American election tradition of "spin alley" as a "Who's Who" of advisors, allies and friends of the candidates delivered their post-debate take on the exchanges to journalists gathered in the media centre.

Former Republican presidential candidate Rudy Giuliani; New Mexico's governor Bill Richardson, who once challenged Mr Obama for his party's nomination; ex-Democrat secretary of state Madeleine Albright and Mississippi's Republican governor Haley Barbour joined a battery of strategists and operatives offering their thoughts on why their candidate had won the debate - and hence would make the best president.

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The money mess Obama or McCain will inherit

2008-09-23T10:30:00.000-07:00

The next president's domestic policy cake has already been baked.

The next president’s foreign policy and defense script has long since been written.

To simplify only slightly, it consists of winding down Iraq, declawing Iran and Hugo Chavez, and keeping Russia calm.

And now, after a scary and tumultuous fortnight of economic woes and corporate bailouts, his domestic narrative has also been outlined. And global credit markets, the Bush administration and Congress are holding the pen.

For the president-elect, this will consist largely of navigating the vast and bewildering new economic world order created by Henry Paulson and Ben Bernanke.

Unprecedented presidential inheritance

Of course, new administrations always deal with the consequences of the previous one, but this kind of thing has never happened.

Who is Henry Paulson?

Sept. 22: Fearing he wouldn't have much influence, Henry Paulson had to be talked into becoming Treasury Secretary two years ago. Now he's putting his stamp on the entire global economy. NBC's Pete Williams reports.

Imagine if Herbert Hoover had constructed the New Deal just before turning it over to Franklin Roosevelt. Or if James Buchanan had declared war on the South before Abe Lincoln took the oath.

No wonder Barack Obama has said that, if he wins, he’ll keep Paulson in power at least through the transition. Obama will need the treasury secretary to explain this new system he’s supposed to run.

Indeed, Paulson has been on the phone almost every day with both Obama and John McCain.

It’s more than a courtesy. In a sense, a new administration already is in office. These days, George W. Bush rarely emerges from the West Wing.

The new economic machine
And what is the new machine that Obama or McCain will inherit?

Think of it as the world’s largest government-run “sovereign wealth fund.”

Economic decision-making in America is now fully in the hands of bureaucrats. And they don’t have the independent power Americans once had.

While no one can go it alone in a globalized world, we have lost the power acquired — and ultimately abused — after World War II to set the terms of trade.

Until recently, we could afford to make fun of Brussels. Now we are Brussels, with its hive of bureaucrats. Ours is located in Washington.

New York — the city of Alexander Hamilton, J.P. Morgan and the Rockefellers — has now ceased to be the capitol of capital.

What it means for the president-elect

Our greed, folly and ineptitude are to blame. So is a willful refusal to acknowledge that there is no free lunch and that what goes up must come down. We have officially ruined what it took us a hundred years to build: the credibility of Wall Street and dollar-centric commerce.

This is the reality that Obama or McCain will have to deal with.

That means higher taxes, lower spending and a scaling back of grand plans. It means a new realism and a long slog into the future.

The main task of the next president is already set. He’s got to make the act of digging out sound exciting. We’ve done it before. All it takes is leadership.

Another Lincoln or FDR will do.

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2008-09-23T06:42:00.001-07:00

Now don't go away. We will hear from Obama and what he would do for the economy just as soon as his telepromter tells him what to say.

McCain Camp Mocks ‘Temple of Obama’

2008-08-31T10:07:00.001-07:00

By: Rick Pedraza

Sen. John McCain’s presidential campaign has released a memo mocking Democrat rival Barack Obama’s decision to decorate the stage he will give his acceptance speech tonight on as the “Temple of Obama.”

The memo, titled "Proper Attire for the Temple of Obama (The Barackopolis)," pokes fun at the neoclassical-style stage Britney Spears’ set supervisor Bobby Allen designed for the elaborate event at 75,000-seat Invesco Field, home of the NFL’s Denver Broncos.

"It's only appropriate that Barack Obama would descend down from the heavens and spend a little time with us mere mortals when accepting the Democratic nomination," Republican National Committee spokesman Danny Diaz tells the New York Post.

"We'll put it in play against him," added Brian Rogers, a spokesman for McCain.

The McCain camp already is planning a series of ads that will bring the point home that Obama is a narcissistic celebrity candidate. It has even gone so far as to suggested the junior senator from Illinois’ delegates should wear togas to fit in with the curved, columned backdrop and other Greek-styled set pieces designed to evoke images of Apollo, Zeus and Athena.

For their part, several Democrats point out that in 2004, George Bush accepted the GOP nomination for president on an even more elaborate stage.

“We're trying to do something new," said a senior Obama campaign aide, noting that Obama is taking a page from the campaign book of John Kennedy, who in 1960 delivered his acceptance speech to 80,000 people in the Los Angeles Coliseum.

Allen, the stage supervisor for Spears and several other rock stars, tells The Post he designed the set more to evoke images of the White House and the Lincoln Memorial, not the Acropolis.

"We've done Britney's sets and a whole bunch of rock shows,” Allen said, “but this was far more elaborate and complicated and we had to do it in far less time."

Once Obama speaks, confetti will rain down on him and fireworks will be fired off from locations around the stadium wall, according to an Associated Press report.

"We would have expected to read something like this in The Onion,” a McCain adviser mockingly told The Post. “Fortunately for us, it's true. Unfortunately for Obama, it's true."

2008-08-26T10:20:00.001-07:00

Almost VP time.

Strategy for Victory in Iraq

2008-07-26T09:04:00.000-07:00

The Importance of Succeeding

John McCain believes it is strategically and morally essential for the United States to support the Government of Iraq to become capable of governing itself and safeguarding its people. He strongly disagrees with those who advocate withdrawing American troops before that has occurred.

It would be a grave mistake to leave before Al Qaeda in Iraq is defeated and before a competent, trained, and capable Iraqi security force is in place and operating effectively. We must help the Government of Iraq battle those who provoke sectarian tensions and promote a civil war that could destabilize the Middle East. Iraq must not become a failed state, a haven for terrorists, or a pawn of Iran. These likely consequences of America's failure in Iraq almost certainly would either require us to return or draw us into a wider and far costlier war.

The best way to secure long-term peace and security is to establish a stable, prosperous, and democratic state in Iraq that poses no threat to its neighbors and contributes to the defeat of terrorists. When Iraqi forces can safeguard their own country, American troops can return home.

Support the Successful Counterinsurgency Strategy

John McCain has been a leading advocate of the “surge” and the counterinsurgency strategy carried out by General David Petraeus. At the end of 2006, four years of a badly conceived military strategy that concentrated American troops on large bases brought us near to the point of no return. Sectarian violence in Iraq was spiraling out of control. Al Qaeda in Iraq was on the offensive. Entire provinces were under extremists’ control and were deemed all but lost. At that critical moment, John McCain supported sending reinforcements to Iraq to implement a classic counterinsurgency strategy of securing the population.

That strategy has paid off. From June 2007 through March 2008, sectarian and ethnic violence in Iraq was reduced by 90 percent. Civilian deaths and deaths of coalition forces fell by 70 percent. This has opened the way for a return to something that approaches normal political and economic life for the average Iraqi. Political reconciliation is occurring across Iraq at the local and provincial grassroots level. Sunni and Shi'a chased from their homes by terrorist and sectarian violence are returning. The "Sons of Iraq" and Awakening movements, where former Sunni insurgents have now joined in the fight against Al Qaeda, continue to grow.

Those gains would be lost if we were to follow the policy advocated by Senator Barack Obama to withdraw most of our troops and leave behind only a small “strike force” to battle terrorists. That is, in essence, the same strategy of withdrawing from Iraq’s streets that failed in 2006. John McCain advocates continuing the successful counterinsurgency strategy that began in 2007.

Push for Political Reconciliation and Good Government

Thanks to the success of the surge, Iraq's political order is evolving in positive and hopeful ways. Four out of the six laws cited as benchmarks by the U.S. have been passed by the Iraqi legislature. A law on amnesty and a law rolling back some of the harsher restrictions against former employees of the Iraqi government have made it possible for Iraqis to move toward genuine reconciliation. The legislature has devolved greater power to local and provincial authorities, where much of the real work of rebuilding Iraq is taking place.

More progress is necessary. The government must improve its ability to serve all Iraqis. A key test for the Iraqi government will be finding jobs in the security services and the civilian sector for the “Sons of Iraq” who have risked so much to battle terrorists.

Iraq will conduct two landmark elections in the near future – one for provincial governments in late 2008 and the other for the national government in 2009. John McCain believes we should welcome a larger United Nations role in supporting the elections. The key condition for successful elections is for American troops to continue to work with brave Iraqis to allow the voting to take place in relative freedom and security. Iraqis need to know that the U.S. will not abandon them, but will continue to press their politicians to show the necessary leadership to help develop their country.

Get Iraq's Economy Back on its Feet

John McCain believes that economic progress is essential to sustaining security gains in Iraq. Markets that were once silent and deserted have come back to life in many areas, but high unemployment rates continue to fuel criminal and insurgent violence. To move young men away from the attractions of well-funded extremists, we need a vibrant, growing Iraqi economy. The Iraqi government can jump-start this process by using a portion of its budget surplus to employ Iraqis in infrastructure projects and in restoring basic services.

The international community should bolster proven microfinance programs to spur local-level entrepreneurship throughout the country. Iraq's Arab neighbors, in particular, should promote regional stability by directly investing the fruits of their oil exports in Iraq. As these efforts begin to take hold in Iraq, the private sector, as always, will create the jobs and propel the growth that will end reliance on outside aid. Iraq’s government needs support to better deliver basic services—clean water, garbage collection, abundant electricity, and, above all, a basic level of security—that create a climate where the Iraqi economy creation can flourish.

Call for International Pressure on Syria and Iran

Syria and Iran have aided and abetted the violence in Iraq for too long. Syria has refused to crack down on Iraqi insurgents and foreign terrorists operating within its territory. Iran has been providing the most extreme and violent Shia militias with training, weapons, and technology that kill American and Iraqi troops. American military spokesmen have also said there is evidence that Iran has provided aid to Sunni insurgents.

The answer is not unconditional dialogues with these two dictatorships from a position of weakness. The answer is for the international community to apply real pressure to Syria and Iran to change their behavior. The United States must also bolster its regional military posture to make clear to Iran our determination to protect our forces and deter Iranian intervention.

Level with the American People

John McCain believes it is essential to be honest with the American people about the opportunities and risks that lie ahead. The American people deserve the truth from their leaders. They deserve a candid assessment of the progress made in the last year, of the serious difficulties that remain, and of the grave consequences of a reckless and irresponsible withdrawal.

Many Americans have given their lives so that America does not suffer the worst consequences of failure in Iraq. Doing the right thing in the heat of a political campaign is not always easy. But it is necessary.

John McCain on the Road Ahead

“I do not want to keep our troops in Iraq a minute longer than necessary to secure our interests there. Our goal is an Iraq that can stand on its own as a democratic ally and a responsible force for peace in its neighborhood. Our goal is an Iraq that no longer needs American troops. And I believe we can achieve that goal, perhaps sooner than many imagine. But I do not believe that anyone should make promises as a candidate for President that they cannot keep if elected. To promise a withdrawal of our forces from Iraq, regardless of the calamitous consequences to the Iraqi people, our most vital interests, and the future of the Middle East, is the height of irresponsibility. It is a failure of leadership. “

“I know the pain war causes. I understand the frustration caused by our mistakes in this war. And I regret sincerely the additional sacrifices imposed on the brave Americans who defend us. But I also know the toll a lost war takes on an army and on our country's security. By giving General Petraeus and the men and women he has the honor to command the time and support necessary to succeed in Iraq we have before us a hard road. But it is the right road. It is necessary and just. Those who disregard the unmistakable progress we have made in the last year and the terrible consequences that would ensue were we to abandon our responsibilities in Iraq have chosen another road. It may appear to be the easier course of action, but it is a much more reckless one, and it does them no credit even if it gives them an advantage in the next election.” –John McCain

Original Source: JohnMcCain.com

Sen. McCain offers $300 million prize for new auto battery

2008-06-23T07:51:00.000-07:00

GLEN JOHNSON / Associated Press

John McCain hopes to solve the country's energy crisis with cold hard cash.

The Republican presidential nominee-in-waiting is proposing a $300 million government prize to whomever can develop an automobile battery that far surpasses existing technology.

The bounty would equate to $1 for every man, woman and child in the country, "a small price to pay for helping to break the back of our oil dependency," McCain said in remarks prepared for delivery Monday at Fresno State University in California.

McCain said such a device should deliver power at 30 percent of current costs and have "the size, capacity, cost and power to leapfrog the commercially available plug-in hybrids or electric cars."

The Arizona senator is also proposing stiffer fines for automakers who skirt existing fuel-efficiency standards, as well as incentives to increase use of domestic and foreign alcohol-based fuels such as ethanol.

In addition, a so-called Clean Car Challenge would provide U.S. automakers with a $5,000 tax credit for every zero-carbon emissions car they develop and sell.

"In the quest for alternatives to oil, our government has thrown around enough money subsidizing special interests and excusing failure," said excerpts from McCain's prepared text. "From now on, we will encourage heroic efforts in engineering, and we will reward the greatest success."

The proposal comes as gasoline has reached a record cost over $4 a gallon. That has boosted the price of virtually all goods and services, sent commuters flocking to public transportation and increased tensions between the United States and its Middle Eastern oil suppliers.

Last week McCain suggested one way to ease supply concerns would be to lift a federal ban on offshore oil drilling if individual states want to allow it. His Democratic rival, Sen. Barack Obama of Illinois, opposes that idea, saying it would do nothing to address immediate price concerns.

In his latest speech, McCain expressed exasperation both with the federal government and the private sector.

He said rising costs during a time of stagnant wages evokes the 1970s era of "stagflation."

Without blaming his fellow Republicans in the Bush administration directly, McCain said: "It feels the same today, because the unwise policies of our government have left America's energy future in the control of others."

The pork-barrel opponent also blasted "a hodgepodge of incentives" for the purchase of fuel-efficient cars.

"Different hybrids and natural-gas cars carry different incentives, ranging from a few hundreds dollars to four grand. They're the handiwork of lobbyists, with all the inconsistency and irrationality that involves," McCain said.

Training his sights on Detroit, the senator noted Brazil went from about 5 percent to over 70 percent flex-fuel capability in its vehicles in just three years. At the same time, U.S. automakers -- who helped with Brazil's shift -- say it will take them longer just to reach a 50 percent goal.

"Whether it takes a meeting with automakers during my first month in office, or my signature on an act of Congress, we will meet the goal of a swift conversion of American vehicles away from oil," McCain said in his remarks.

Records shed light on career of McCain's father

2008-06-01T08:09:00.000-07:00

Candidate's dad described as nervous, social, underweight, honest and stoic

This Sept. 2, 1945 black-and-white file photo provided by the McCain Presidential Campaign shows Republican presidential candidate, Sen. John McCain's father and grandfather on the bridge of the submarine tender USS Proteus, in Tokyo Bay a few hours after WWII had ended. It was the last time father and son saw each other. The father died of a heart attack several days later.

As John S. McCain Jr. started down the road toward four-star admiral, he hit a bump.

McCain, the father of presidential candidate John McCain, was smitten by a pretty blond coed, Roberta Wright. The 22-year-old ensign left his ship, without permission, to elope.

"Showed lack of judgment," his commanding officer concluded. "He might have readily obtained such permission to get married." McCain was suspended for five days.

This youthful indiscretion went into McCain's official military personnel file, a 4-inch-thick stack of documents released to The Associated Press under the Freedom of Information Act.

McCain apologized for his infraction, writing, "I contacted a messmate and asked him to inform my division officer as to my intentions and that I would be absent from quarters the next morning."

A Race for the White House panel discusses Sen. John McCain's first TV ad of the general elections, which focuses on his military service in Vietnam and will air in the battleground state of New Mexico.

Race for the White House"This method was irregular but the urgency of the situation and the absolute secrecy necessary made this seem the only solution at the time," he wrote. "I thoroughly realize that the manner in which I handled the situation was wrong and I would like to say that it will never occur again."

High-strung and underweightThe papers show that McCain's path quickly straightened out, and he went on to earn the same four-star rank as his illustrious father, Adm. John S. "Slew" McCain Sr.

But first, McCain had to get through the stress of submarine training and the early years of his marriage. A fitness report in 1934 said he was high-strung and underweight — so underweight, he was being treated for weight loss at Pearl Harbor Naval Hospital. "It is thought that with added experience in submarines more self-confidence will result eliminating the noticeable nervousness that is evident," his commanding officer wrote.

In fact, McCain blamed his new wife's cooking, or lack of it, for the weight loss. "My wife doesn't know how to cook, and my meals are very irregular," McCain wrote in response to his fitness report. (This response does not appear in the documents released by the Navy, but Slew McCain obtained a copy and, much amused, kept it to show friends, according to the 1999 book "Faith of My Fathers," written by John S. McCain III, the presidential candidate.)

Rising from the bottomMcCain, like his father and later his son, had been in his share of trouble at the Naval Academy in Annapolis, Md., graduating 18th from the bottom of his class. Then in Submarine School, he stood No. 28 in a class of 29.

But while McCain was not afraid to break rules, he seemed very anxious to succeed, a desire that impressed his superiors. "This officer is extremely tactful and loyal," Lt. Herman Sall wrote in a September 1934 fitness report. "His military duties are done in a highly satisfactory manner. He is in all aspects qualified for promotion. He exhibits a varying degree of nervousness which should be lost with increase of age and experience."

MSNBC’s Chris Matthews tells viewers that when in trouble the Republican party ‘has always turned to a military man’ and has done it again through Sen. John McCain.

This is the last reference to any sign of nervousness in the newly released documents; subsequent fitness reports were ever more glowing, noting his interest in new submarine tactics as the United States entered World War II.

"His zeal in the investigation and development of new submarine tactics and weapons has been outstanding," Lt. Cmdr. R.M. Peacher wrote in 1944 after McCain had won the Silver Star as commander of the USS Gunnel.

'Little man with the big cigar'Aside from military skill, McCain was known for his personality and sociability, important traits in the insular world of the Navy.

"There is only one Jack McCain!" Adm. H.P. Smith wrote in 1965. "Vice Admiral McCain, by his enthusiasm, honesty and delightful personality makes many friends, not only officially but socially. He is energetic and enthusiastic in all his undertakings. The 'little man with the big cigar' is known to everyone."
While the documents help to sketch a picture of the man, they are notable for what is omitted.

Missing from the documents is any reference to McCain's drinking. His son, the presidential candidate, has written that his father drank too much. "He didn't drink at work, and was never completely incapacitated by his weakness," McCain wrote in "Faith of My Fathers." "But he would often ease his way into social settings by drinking too much. And, as with most people, drinking changed his personality in unattractive ways. When he was drunk, I did not recognize him."

Also missing is any reference to his Navy fighter pilot son, not even when he was shot down over Hanoi and taken prisoner in October 1967. A fitness report that year, before his son's capture, notes McCain's "boundless energy," his promotion to the rank of admiral and his appointment to commander in chief of U.S. naval forces in Europe.

That the papers are silent about his son seems in keeping with a stoicism his son has described. In "Faith of My Fathers," McCain wrote that his parents were in London, dressing for a dinner party, when they got word their son had been shot down; the Navy didn't think he had survived.

"My father informed my mother of what had happened," he wrote in the book. "They kept their dinner engagement, never mentioning to any of the other guests the distressing news they had just learned."

OriginaL MSNBC article link:

McCain: U.S. can win Iraq war within 4 years

2008-05-15T06:42:00.000-07:00

GOP presidential candidate spells out his vision for White House

MSNBC News Service

Republican presidential candidate John McCain said on Thursday he believes the Iraq war can be won within four years, leaving a functioning democracy there and allowing most U.S. troops to come home.

McCain conceded he cannot make the changes alone, but said he wanted to outline a specific governing style to show the accomplishments it can achieve.

"I'm not interested in partisanship that serves no other purpose than to gain a temporary advantage over our opponents. This mindless, paralyzing rancor must come to an end. We belong to different parties, not different countries," McCain said in remarks prepared for delivery in the capital city of Ohio, a general election battleground. "There is a time to campaign, and a time to govern. If I'm elected president, the era of the permanent campaign will end; the era of problem solving will begin."

The Arizona senator's Democratic rivals for the White House, Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, are running on a pledge to begin bringing U.S. troops home right away and have linked McCain's policies on the unpopular war to those of President George W. Bush.

100 years in Iraq

The Democratic candidates also charge McCain wants to keep the United States entangled in Iraq for 100 years.

McCain says any decades-long presence of U.S. troops would be aimed at maintaining stability in the region and has likened it to the U.S. military presence in Japan, South Korea and Germany.

McCain wrote he had thought Obama's interest in ethics legislation "was genuine and admirable," before adding: "Thank you for disabusing me of such notions." He accused Obama of "partisan posturing."

While calling for Congress to drop mindless partisanship, McCain also chided the media — with whom he has enjoyed a generally positive relationship — for fueling contention with its campaign coverage.

"Campaigns and the media collaborated as architects of the modern presidential campaign, and we deserve equal blame for the regret we feel from time to time over its less-than-inspirational features," he said.

Looking head

McCain, running in the November election to succeed Bush in 2009, described a scenario he thought he could achieve within his first four-year term.

McCain: Bush and I agree to disagree

May 1: Sen. John McCain begins his day with a cup of "Morning Joe," saying that, in the midst of the campaign, he is still incredibly focused on military and political progress in Iraq.
Morning Joe

"By January 2013, America has welcomed home most of the servicemen and women who have sacrificed terribly so that America might be secure in her freedom," McCain said in prepared remarks he was to deliver in Columbus, Ohio.

"The Iraq war has been won. Iraq is a functioning democracy, although still suffering from the lingering effects of decades of tyranny and centuries of sectarian tension. Violence still occurs, but it is spasmodic and much reduced," McCain said.

The Republican senator said that although the United States would still have a troop presence in Iraq, those soldiers would not need a "direct combat role" because Iraqi forces would be capable of providing order.

Bin Laden, the economy

McCain also predicted that al Qaida leader Osama bin Laden would be captured or killed within four years and the militant group's presence in Afghanistan would be reduced to remnants.

On the economy, he promised taxpayers the option of filing under a simpler system than the current multilayered code and said he would overhaul government spending practices that have led to "extravagantly wasted money."

Ohio is expected to be a hard-fought state in the general election and McCain's visit there came as Obama, the Democratic front-runner, got another boost by gaining the endorsement of former Democratic presidential candidate John Edwards.

Holding an almost unassailable lead over Clinton in delegates who will pick their party's nominee, Obama has increasingly turned his attention toward McCain.

On Iraq, McCain has argued the Democratic candidates are promising a reckless pullout, a pledge he says they would never be able to keep once they face the realities.

The unpopularity of Bush and the Iraq war has taken a toll on the political fortunes of Republicans.

One more time

In outlining potential achievements of a first term, the 71-year-old McCain implicitly was suggesting he would seek a second term, an attempt to mute suggestions he would serve only four years after being the oldest president ever to take office for a first term.

In particular, he sees a world in which:

The Taliban threat in Afghanistan has been greatly reduced.
A "League of Democracies" has supplanted a failed United Nations to apply sanctions to the Sudanese government and halt genocide in Darfur.
The United States has had "several years of robust growth," appropriations bills free of lawmakers' pet projects known as "earmarks," public education improved by charter schools, health care improved by expansion of the private market and an energy crisis stemmed through the start of construction on 20 new nuclear reactors.
Democrats are asked to serve in his administration, he holds weekly news conferences and, like the British prime minister, answers questions publicly from lawmakers.

McCain also pledges to halt a Bush administration practice of enacting laws with accompanying signing statements that exempt the president from having to enforce parts he finds objectionable.

"I will respect the responsibilities the Constitution and the American people have granted Congress," the senator said, "and will, as I often have in the past, work with anyone of either party to get things done for our country."

McCain manufacturing a victory

2008-04-23T05:25:00.000-07:00

Democratic distractions allowing GOP candidate Rust Belt inroads.

WASHINGTON - If there was any doubt that the drawn-out primary season is taking a toll on the Democratic Party's chances for victory in November, look no further than the events of April 15. As Hillary Rodham Clinton and Barack Obama raised the stakes (and the rhetoric) in Pennsylvania, John McCain finally decided to frame the economic debate. His speech on the economy got full cable TV coverage, while stories on Obama and Clinton were focused exclusively on "bitterness." The economy was supposed to be Democrats' ace in the hole this year. After all, a Republican can't win in the Rust Belt when the economy is in the tank, right?

McCain's speech touched on a lot of familiar territory, such as ending earmarks, ditching the alternative minimum tax and attacking Democrats as tax-and-spenders. On job retraining, McCain once again reminded his audience about jobs that are "not coming back." That phrase fell like a lead balloon in the face of Mitt Romney when he promised to fight for lost auto industry jobs in Michigan.

But McCain's speech began, notably, with an empathetic approach to those impacted by the economic downturn. He railed against the "extravagant salaries and severance deals of CEOs," and he called for a summer holiday on gas taxes.

The "I feel your pain" McCain is also featured in a new ad currently running in Pennsylvania and Ohio. It features an upbeat voice-over and hits on some of the same concerns raised in the speech -- like portable and affordable health care and mortgage debt restructuring. He may still offer some "straight talk," but it has a decidedly less "eat your vegetables" tone.

To be sure, McCain's overall economic philosophy hasn't changed (as the Democratic White House hopefuls were quick to point out in e-mailed press releases), but his approach may have. Will it be enough to win the support of voters who are decidedly pessimistic about the economy and President Bush? Or will Democratic attacks on his support for (and previous disavowal of) the Bush tax cuts undermine his credibility on the issue? More important, can McCain buck historical trends and win the White House by carrying Rust Belt voters in a recession?

Gallup has measured voter satisfaction with the direction of the country since 1979. Today, just 19 percent of Americans say they are satisfied. Only twice in the poll's history have voters felt more pessimistic than they do today: in 1979, when that measure sank to an all-time low of 12 percent, and in June 1992 (14 percent).

In the presidential elections of 1980 and 1992, the incumbent party was defeated soundly and the Rust Belt went overwhelmingly to the challenger. In his rout of President Jimmy Carter in '80, Ronald Reagan took all the Rust Belt states except Minnesota and West Virginia, after Carter had carried most of the region four years earlier. In '92, Bill Clinton carried Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin, Minnesota and Pennsylvania, after George H.W. Bush had won most of the Rust Belt states in 1988.

This year, Democrats are counting on attracting Reagan Democrats by pointing to the flailing economy. This issue more than any other could help the party overcome the "culture gap" that has sent these voters into the arms of the GOP for the last few years.

Republicans were giddy about Obama's comments on guns, religion and bitterness, since they allowed the GOP to frame Obama in the mold of Michael Dukakis and John Kerry. But the brie/endive/Chardonnay attacks of '88 and '04 came when the GOP brand was in much better shape. Wind-surfin', Swiss-cheesesteak eatin', French-lookin' Kerry still won Michigan, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Minnesota. Why would Obama do any worse?

The answer, of course, gets us right back to the uncomfortable issue of race -- or at least that's the conclusion many reach when considering why Obama's not been able to break through with downscale white voters. Just imagine if Joseph Biden or Christopher Dodd had made similar remarks; would they be written off with autoworkers in Michigan?

Democratic superdelegates seem to have little choice but to rally behind Obama. But if Obama wins the nomination without the support of Rust Belt working-class whites, will McCain be able to pick off what should be reliable blue states like Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan, as well as swing states like Ohio?

If Obama doesn't take Ohio in the general, he could still get to 270 electoral votes by carrying New Mexico and Iowa (states won by Al Gore but not Kerry), but he would then need to pick up six more EVs to win the election; a win in Colorado (9 EVs) or Virginia (13 EVs) would do it. But if he loses in Pennsylvania or Michigan, the path to 270 gets much more difficult. Obama may espouse a new kind of politics, but the old-school Rust Belt remains the key to winning the White House.

Original story on MSNBC

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Barak Obama's lead over John McCain evaporates as Democrats fight

2008-04-12T11:16:00.000-07:00

A month after clinching the Republican nomination, Senator John McCain of Arizona appears to be enjoying a honeymoon with American voters, wiping out the national lead that Barack Obama, the Democrat hopeful, once had over him according to a new Associated-Ipsos poll.

The new buoyancy of the McCain campaign may have less to do with the senator, of course, and more with the relentless mutual point-scoring between Mr Obama and his rival, Hillary Clinton, as they battle for votes in the coming Pennsylvania primary.

While Mr Obama showed a double-digit lead over Mr McCain in a similar poll taken in late February, the latest numbers show them exactly tied at 45 per cent each. Perhaps more alarming for the Obama camp, the survey has Mrs Clinton with a slight edge with 48 per cent to 45 per cent for Mr McCain.

The survey has also rekindled alarm in the Democratic Party that the continuing warfare between its two remaining candidates may be inflicting sufficient damage to give Mr McCain a window to defeat whichever of the two of them ends up running for the White House in November.

It is no coincidence that this week has seen the Democratic Party chairman, Howard Dean, stepping up his own attacks on Mr McCain. Unveiling his own polling taken in 17 battleground states, he contended that voters consider the Republican "weak" and "wishy-washy" on key issues, particularly the economy. Voters are also voicing concern about his age, Mr Dean said. At 72, Mr McCain would be the oldest person ever to be newly elected to the presidency.

Unfettered by any further primary contests, Mr McCain is back on the road, visiting often far-away corners of numerous states to begin selling himself to voters. Yesterday, he addressed a rally at the municipal airport in Lubbock, Texas.

Of course, the dynamics of the presidential contest could change again once the identity of the Democratic nominee has been settled. In particular, Republican grandees are expressing concern that, for the first time in some decades, the Democrats – particularly if Mr Obama ends up prevailing – could be in a position significantly to outspend Mr McCain in the campaign running to November.

"There are not enough zeroes to define how badly we are going to be outspent," Eddie Mahe, a former deputy chairman of the Republican National Committee, warned yesterday.

With the Pennsylvania primary only 10 days away, there remains little saying how each Democratic candidate will fare, with some observers still giving Mr Obama an outside chance of catching up with Mrs Clinton in the state she was always slated to win and possibly beating her. That remains a long-shot for Mr Obama, but if he succeeds it would surely be a knock-out punch for Mrs Clinton.

She continued last week to struggle to get her campaign back on message, and her husband did not help by reviving the fuss about Mrs Clinton "misstating" she had come under fire in Bosnia.

Mr Obama remained on his bus tour through Pennsylvania yesterday, trying to burnish his economic platform with a call for "say-on-pay" legislation that would increase scrutiny of fat pay packets awarded to corporate executives.

In a populist pitch, he said last night: "We've seen what happens when CEOs are paid for doing a job no matter how bad a job they're doing. We can't afford to postpone reform any longer."

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http://McCainforUSA.blogspot.com/

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The World According to John McCain

2008-03-31T12:31:00.000-07:00

He's both the consummate pragmatist and a zealous crusader for causes he feels just. The question is which America needs now.

"We need to listen," John McCain was saying, "to the views … of our democratic allies." Then, though the words weren't in the script, the Arizona senator repeated himself, as if in self-admonishment: "We need to listen." A lot of meaning was packed into that twice-said line, which was a key theme of McCain's first major foreign-policy speech since becoming the GOP's nominee-apparent. McCain was telling America, and the whole world: if I'm elected there will be, at long last, a return to what Jefferson called "a decent respect to the opinions of mankind." There will be no more ill-justified lurches into war, no more unilateralism, no more George W. Bush. Above all, McCain seemed to be saying that while Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama tear each other to pieces, I'm going to be the wise and welcoming statesman patching up America's global relations even before I get to the Oval Office. Not surprisingly, after the speech last week at the Los Angeles World Affairs Council, McCain's campaign could not talk enough about international cooperation—what McCain had called a "new compact." "He has such a deep relationship with so many Europeans and those in other regions, including Asia and the Middle East," said one adviser, Rich Williamson, who added that McCain has kept up his global profile by "going each year to the Munich Security Conference."

It was all very reassuring. There's just one problem: John McCain doesn't always behave according to his own statesmanlike script. In fact, while attending that same Munich conference in 2006, the Arizona senator had another one of what have come to be known as McCain Moments. In a small meeting at the Hotel Bayerischer Hof, McCain was conferring with Frank-Walter Steinmeier, the foreign minister of Germany—one of America's most important allies—when the others heard McCain erupt. He thought the German was being insufficiently tough on the brutal regime in Belarus. Raising his voice at Steinmeier—who's known for speaking in unclear diplomatese—McCain "started shaking and rising out of his chair," said one participant, a former senior diplomatic official who related the anecdote on condition of anonymity. "He said something like: 'I haven't come to Munich to hear this kind of crap'." McCain's old pal Joe Lieberman jumped in. "Lieberman, who reads him very well, put his hand on McCain's arm and said gently, 'John, I think there's been a problem in the translation.' Of course Lieberman doesn't speak German and there hadn't been any problem in the translation … It was just John's explosive temper."

Certainly this was no great crisis, and the Germans later said all was forgiven. (On Sunday Sen. McCain's campaign strongly denied this account of the incident; Sen. Lieberman earlier recalled it as a misunderstanding over the translation.) But McCain's Munich outburst could not be called an isolated incident. Fearless and righteous, McCain has long been known to unleash a lacerating anger on those who cross him—Senate colleagues, foreign interlocutors, even the interrogators who once held his life in their hands at the Hanoi Hilton. (Lieberman, his fellow centrist, recently seems to have assigned himself the role of McCain's monitor. Just two weeks ago, when McCain mistakenly said Iran was training Al Qaeda in Iraq fighters, it was the Connecticut senator who again pulled him aside, gently reminding him that the Iranian regime has been accused of training fellow Shiite extremists, not Sunni Al Qaeda.) For someone who is just an election away from the White House—and who is running on his image as a tested statesman—there remain serious questions about how exactly McCain might behave as president.

Partly this is because McCain himself is not easy to pin down. There is McCain the pragmatist: worldly-wise and witty, determined to follow the facts to the exclusion of ideology—a man willing to defy his own party and forge compromise, even with liberals like Ted Kennedy (on granting illegal immigrants some amnesty) and John Kerry (on normalizing relations with Vietnam). And then there is the zealous advocate, single-minded about pressing his cause, sometimes erupting in outrage at detractors and willing to stand alone—without any allies at all, if need be.

There is much to like in both McCains. He's pragmatic in the service of the national interest; he rises to passion when he believes that America's best values are at stake. Even some of those who fret about his zeal and temper say they plan to vote for him (just as many ultraconservatives who worry about his centrism say they'll reluctantly pull the lever as well). Lieberman says McCain's anger "is part of his strength. And his guts. There are some things we should get righteously angry about."

Sometimes these two McCains—the crusader and the pragmatist—have combined to make him a powerful and leaderly force for change, which seems to be what Americans want now. It was McCain the savvy military analyst who looked hard at the emerging Iraqi insurgency in the fall of 2003, decided a lot more U.S. troops were needed, and then went head-to-head with the mulish Donald Rumsfeld over the issue. (McCain was, in effect, the first person in Washington to call for a "surge.") Ultimately, four years later, he brought the Congress—and the president—with him. "I went against the will of my own party when it wasn't politically expedient," McCain has said.

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What history predicts about this presidential election

2008-03-07T14:47:00.000-08:00

Given the fascinating twists and turns of the current election season just in the last year, only a foreign exchange student just off the plane would hazard a prediction about this Nov. 4's presidential balloting.

But one thing is certain -- well, more than likely: This will be the first-ever presidential election in the nation's history pitting two sitting U.S. senators against each other.

Americans haven't been very receptive to legislators from that body becoming the nation's chief executive. Only two sitting senators -- John F. Kennedy in 1960 and Warren G. Harding in 1920 -- have ever succeeded in reaching the White House. And neither of them completed one term, as pointed out by Robert Schmuhl, an expert and author on the American presidency and an American Studies professor at the University of Notre Dame.

In the 48 years since Kennedy, his research shows, 40 senators have sought the presidency. And 40 didn't get it.

And that's not counting 2007-08, when six sitting and one former senator started the election talkathon last year. It took one of those rare times when no incumbent or sitting vice president was running to open the doors for an actual senator.

Americans have revealed some other preferences in their ...

presidential voting: They like chief executives; four of the last five presidents have been governors, which is what gave hope to Mitt Romney and Mike Huckabee.

Over the last three decades, Americans have preferred to elect what Schmuhl calls "outsiders" and "opposites" to go to Washington, not insiders to stay there:

Gov. Jimmy Carter over former congressman and President Gerald Ford in 1976, Ronald Reagan over President Carter in 1980 and over former Sen. and Vice President Walter Mondale in 1984, Gov. Bill Clinton over President George H.W. Bush in 1992, President Clinton over former Sen. Bob Dole in 1996, George W. Bush over former senator and Vice President Al Gore in 2000, and President Bush over Sen. John Kerry in 2004.

The only possible exception was Vice President Bush over Gov. Michael Dukakis in 1988, but many would argue Bush was basically running for a third Reagan term.

Yet this time, all three of the remaining candidates are "from" Washington. So which one will be seen as less Washington -- freshman Illinois Sen. Barack Obama, whose brief time there could become a plus, or the longtime senator but even longer-time maverick John McCain?

The other remaining contender -- Sen. Hillary Clinton -- has made her Washington experience as first lady a crucial part of her case for election. Ready on Day One. Will voters see her more as essentially an interrupted third Clinton term or as the opposite of the Republican incumbent?

History also suggests that this year's winner will be the one perceived as politically occupying the most central position on the political spectrum with the ability to attract votes from the opposite party.

Will it be Obama, who attracts large crowds but was recently labeled the most liberal of 100 senators by the nonpartisan National Journal? Will it be Clinton, who was also ranked high on the liberal scale but is perceived as closer to the center? Or will it be McCain, who's a reliable conservative on some issues but has sometimes voted against his own party?

In his Wall Street Journal column Thursday, former top White House advisor Karl Rove examined three recent sets of polls including the The Times/Bloomberg poll. And though some recent published stories have examined the number of "Obamicans," Republicans attracted to vote for Obama, Rove found the figures actually reveal the existence of what he calls "McCainicrats." And not just Connecticut Sen. Joe Lieberman.

"Almost twice as many Democrats support Mr. McCain," Rove wrote, "as Republicans support Mr. Obama. Three times as many Democrats support Mr. McCain as Republicans back Mrs. Clinton."

Not even a foreign exchange student would walk into predicting that one.

By Andrew Malcolm
read the original
LA Times post
and repiles

Obama and the Farrakhan Trap

2008-02-27T19:33:00.000-08:00

The Democratic frontrunner stepped in it Tuesday night.

By Byron York

Talking to reporters after the Democratic debate here at Cleveland State University, David Axelrod, Barack Obama’s closest adviser, insisted that Obama didn’t try to spin his way through a question on Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan, who recently praised Obama as “the hope of the entire world” who is “capturing audiences of black and brown and red and yellow.” “I thought that he was very forthright about it,” Axelrod explained. “The point is this: Louis Farrakhan said kind things about [Obama]. From what I read, he didn’t say it was an endorsement, and I think Sen. Obama made clear what his position on Farrakhan’s anti-Semitic statements was.”

The question stemmed from Obama’s initial answer when NBC’s Tim Russert asked, “Do you accept the support of Louis Farrakhan?” Obama might have said, “No.” But instead, he seemed to go out of his way to denounce some of Farrakhan’s statements while not taking on Farrakhan himself (and even using Farrakhan’s preferred honorific in the process). “You know, I have been very clear in my denunciation of Minister Farrakhan’s anti-Semitic comments,” Obama said. “I think that they are unacceptable and reprehensible. I did not solicit this support. He expressed pride in an African-American who seems to be bringing the country together. I obviously can’t censor him, but it is not support that I sought. And we’re not doing anything, I assure you, formally or informally, with Minister Farrakhan.”

More than a few observers were taken aback by Obama’s not-so-deft sidestep. What if, the blogger Andrew Sullivan asked, it had been a question to John McCain about David Duke? And what if McCain had answered, “You know, I have been very clear in my denunciation of Dr. Duke’s racist comments. I think that they are unacceptable and reprehensible. I did not solicit this support. He expressed pride in a white man who seems to be bringing the country together. I obviously can’t censor him, but it is not support that I sought. And we’re not doing anything, I assure you, formally or informally, with Dr. Duke.”

And what if then, after the debate, McCain’s top campaign aide explained by saying, “The point is this: David Duke said kind things about [McCain]. From what I read, he didn’t say it was an endorsement, and I think Sen. McCain made clear what his position on Duke’s racist statements was.”

But Obama’s sidestepping didn’t stop there. After his answer, Russert asked again, just as directly, “Do you reject his support?” Obama might have answered, “Yes,” but instead tried his best to stay away from anything so definitive. “Well, Tim, you know, I can’t say to somebody that he can’t say that he thinks I’m a good guy. You know, I — you know, I — I have been very clear in my denunciations of him and his past statements, and I think that indicates to the American people what my stance is on those comments.”

At that point it became clear that Obama simply would not say that he rejected Farrakhan’s support, preferring instead to refer to, but not repeat, previous statements. It’s a common technique for a politician who doesn’t want to say something to say that he has said it before without actually saying what he says he said. Here in Cleveland on Tuesday night, Obama seemed to be heading in that direction until Russert pressed a bit more, bringing up Reverend Jeremiah Wright, Obama’s long-time pastor, whose magazine last year said that Farrakhan “truly epitomized greatness.” And then Hillary Clinton — who must have enjoyed seeing her opponent take a rare turn on the hot seat — added, “There’s a difference between denouncing and rejecting…I have no doubt that everything Barack just said is absolutely sincere. But I just think, we’ve got to be even stronger.”

At that moment, Obama was in trouble. If he continued to repeat his I-have-denounced-Minister-Farrakhan’s-anti-Semitic-statements position, he would clearly seem to be avoiding a larger critique of Farrakhan. So he rather nimbly suggested that it was all a matter of semantics, and if Sen. Clinton liked, he would reject as well as denounce. “Tim, I have to say I don’t see a difference between denouncing and rejecting,” Obama said. “If the word ‘reject’ Sen. Clinton feels is stronger than the word ‘denounce,’ then I’m happy to concede the point, and I would reject and denounce.”

The concession got Obama out of trouble. But it didn’t stop the talk in the spin room after the debate. Was Obama initially trying to nuance his way through the question? “Sen. Clinton was pleased that he came back later and…not only denounced it but rejected support,” said top Clinton aide Mark Penn. But Penn continued: “I think you have to listen to the answers. He did not reject what his minister said about Farrakhan. If you listen to the answers, he only responded to Farrakhan, and he never responded to the fact that his minister, if I have it right, said that Farrakhan was a person of greatness. So if you listen very carefully, I do not think he in fact rejected or denounced his minister praising Farrakhan — he only did that to Farrakhan.”

A few feet away, Rev. Jesse Jackson approached the question indirectly. He told reporters he was disappointed that there wasn’t a serious discussion of poverty in the debate; why was there no time to discuss the poor and time to discuss Louis Farrakhan? And if there was going to be a discussion of Farrakhan, how could it then leave out…Bill O’Reilly? “They mentioned the Farrakhan matter,” Jackson said. “He’s a free speaker, but in the case of O’Reilly, who suggested about Michelle Obama’s statement about love for the country, about the lynch mob — a very reprehensible statement. He comes under FCC and Fox scrutiny. And so I thought there was an imbalance there.”

(Jackson was referring to a recent incident in which the Fox News host, on his radio program, defended Mrs. Obama on her comment that she had not, in her adult life, been proud of her country until her husband’s run for president. “I don’t want to go on a lynching party against Michelle Obama until there’s evidence, hard facts, that say this is how the woman really feels,” O’Reilly said. Later, O’Reilly, noting that his statement was in Mrs. Obama’s defense, said, “I’m sorry if my statement offended anybody.”)

In the end, what did Farrakhan’s prominent role in Tuesday night’s debate amount to? Perhaps it was all just of interest to the press. But Obama’s reluctance, at least initially, to reject Farrakhan’s support said something about the closeness of this Democratic race. There are a lot of voters out there who admire Louis Farrakhan. Why alienate them? “What I think we all have to be careful of, in the process of these elections, is people saying, ‘O.K., I support you,’ and then determining whether or not you would want or not want their support,” Ohio Rep. Stephanie Tubbs Jones, a Clinton supporter, said after the debate. “I am confident that Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton would love to have the votes of people within the Farrakhan sect… Maybe you don’t necessarily embrace the leadership, but you embrace the fact that there are millions — not millions, but thousands — of people within that religion who on a daily basis are suffering from the same things all the rest of us are suffering from.”

What you should know about John McCain

2008-02-24T19:27:00.000-08:00

Things you should know about John McCain:

• John McCain was born in 1936 in the Panama Canal Zone, a U.S. territory, while his father was serving as an active-duty naval officer.

• If elected, he would be the oldest president ever at inauguration (72) and the first born outside the continental U.S.

• Mr. McCain narrowly escaped being thrown out of the U.S. Naval Academy on many occasions. He graduated fifth from the bottom of his class.

• He spent more than five years as a prisoner of war in Hanoi, Vietnam, after his plane was shot down.

• Because of injuries from his time as a POW, Mr. McCain cannot raise either arm above his head.

• He has had three episodes of melanoma, the most aggressive form of skin cancer.

• When he was a prisoner of war, he was the prison storyteller. He was once allowed 10 minutes with a Bible to refresh his memory so he could lead a Christmas service in the cell.

• Mr. McCain's father was buried in Arlington National Cemetery in 1981, the latest McCain to be buried there in a line dating back to the Revolutionary War.

• Mr. McCain's pets include Coco the mutt; Sam, an English springer spaniel; Oreo the cat; Cuff and Link, a pair of turtles; three parakeets; 13 saltwater fish; and finally, a ferret.

• Mr. McCain's first wife was Carol Shepp, a former Philadelphia model. He divorced her in 1980 and married Cindy Hensley a month later. He has seven children and four grandchildren.

• Mr. McCain appeared as himself in a cameo in the movie Wedding Crashers.

• When The Associated Press asked candidates for the 2004 Democratic presidential nomination who their favorite Republican was, John Kerry, John Edwards and Joe Lieberman all said Mr. McCain.

Compiled by Bailey Shiffler

How Right Is McCain?

2008-02-19T15:30:00.000-08:00

The likely nominee is a "conservative." Here's what that means.

By PETE DU PONT
February 19, 2008

John McCain will be the Republican Party's presidential candidate in November. Most Republicans certainly know who John McCain is, but there still seems to be a question as to just what he is. President Bush said last week that there was "no doubt in my mind he is a true conservative." But is he a Ronald Reagan conservative, or more like a Bob Dole moderate? Or is he like Dwight Eisenhower, who claimed in the 1952 nomination battle that he was "just as conservative" as his opponent, Sen. Robert Taft?

Mr. McCain's lifetime American Conservative Union rating is 82, compared with conservative Sen. Sam Brownback's 94, Minority Leader Mitch McConnell's 90, and liberal Sen. Olympia Snowe's 50. So he is much more conservative than liberal; indeed Americans for Tax Reform rates him at 83, compared with Hillary Clinton's 7 and Barack Obama's 8.

We know he has a tough streak, saying that when he looked into Russian president Vladimir Putin's eyes he "saw three letters: a K, a G and a B," and we know he has a temper. When Mitt Romney said to McCain in one of their debates, "Don't turn the pharmaceutical companies into the big bad guys," Mr. McCain replied, "Well, they are." In the words of Sen. Thad Cochran of Mississippi, Mr. McCain "is erratic. He is hotheaded. He loses his temper and he worries me."

* * *

So what are Mr. McCain's public policy beliefs? For starters, he would be America's most militarily experienced president since Ike. He piloted a Navy A-4 Skyhawk bomber in Vietnam, completing 22 missions before being shot down in 1967, captured, and often beaten during his five years of imprisonment. He believes in fighting terrorism to protect America. He intends "to win the war in Iraq" and views the Iraq debate as being over "whether we set a date for withdrawal, which will be a date for surrender, or whether we will let this surge continue and succeed." He will "make unmistakably clear to Iran that we will not permit a government that espouses the destruction of the state of Israel . . . and pledges undying enmity to the United States to possess the weapons to advance their malevolent ambitions."

Second, Mr. McCain is on the record as supportive of many conservative beliefs that are the opposite of liberal thinking. He will support the building of nuclear power plants to increase America's independent energy supplies. He is against Hillary Clinton's health-care program, including its individual mandate. And he is for individually owned Social Security accounts.

Mr. McCain is for school choice and competition--"That means charter schools, that means home schooling, it means vouchers"--and he voted for a bill to provide vouchers in the District of Columbia. In 2000 he said, "I would take the gas and oil, ethanol and sugar subsidies and take that money and put it into a test voucher program over three years to be used in every poor school district in every state in America."

He is for eliminating the alternative minimum tax and supports changing our tax system: "We have to reform the tax code. Nobody understands it. Nobody trusts it. Nobody believes in it. And we have to fix it."

He has supported free trade agreements, for "isolationism and protectionism doesn't work." He has a pro-life voting record, opposes partial-birth abortion and voted against allowing the Federal Marriage Amendment to come to the floor, while supporting state enactments of such amendment sif they choose. He believes the Second Amendment gives individuals the right to bear arms.

He favors a line-item veto for the president, which does not exist today, and has supported another very good spending idea: a constitutional amendment requiring a three-fifths vote of each house of Congress to raise taxes. Sixteen states have such a supermajority requirement, and McCain might add to his list a similar three-fifths vote to spend more than, say, 98% of the government's income.

And he has firmly stated that he is for appointing conservative Supreme Court justices, telling the Federalist Society he would "not only insist on persons who were faithful to the Constitution, but persons who had a record that demonstrated that fidelity."

On economic matters he believes "the first thing we need to do is stop the out-of-control spending." He has promised to eliminate the 10,000 or so earmark spending items (costing some $20 billion to $30 billion annually) that Congress adds to its other spending bills: "I will not sign a bill with any earmarks in it." That is a tough promise but a good start on fixing congressional overspending. In the Des Moines Register debate in Iowa last December, he said he would "eliminate subsidies on ethanol and other agricultural products. They are an impediment to competition. They are an impediment to free markets. And I believe subsidies are a mistake." Congress gives out nearly $3 billion in ethanol subsidies every year, and $15 billion to $20 billion in other farm subsidies, so this is a significant and positive policy change Mr. McCain is advocating.

Mr. McCain now supports making permanent the Bush income tax rate reductions because "I won't let a Democratic Congress raise your taxes and choke the growth of our economy." That is a significant improvement from his 2001 opposition to the Bush tax cuts, his 2004 opposition to making them permanent, and his sponsorship many years ago with Sen. Tom Daschle of legislation to eliminate tax reductions "tilted to the rich."

On the other side of the coin is Mr. McCain's most significant error: the McCain-Feingold legislation, which regulates what people and some organizations may say about federal candidates in the 60 days before an election. It is wrong thinking, wrong regulation, and in violation of the First Amendment. We need to know what Mr. McCain will do on this question if he becomes president; specifically, would he nominate judges--or Federal Election Committee members--who support the First Amendment?

* * *

Add it all together and John McCain is mostly conservative, but he is also much like Theodore Roosevelt. Teddy Roosevelt commanded the Rough Rider soldiers in the Spanish-American War. As president he was resolute, industrious and not particularly patient. He fought party bosses, sued to break up railroad trusts, was the "trustbuster" who launched 44 lawsuits against major corporations, gave the Interstate Commerce Commission the power to set rates, and led the fight to eliminate corporate election campaign contributions. He encouraged insurrection in Panama so he could build the canal, and built and sent around the world the Great White Fleet, the largest Navy America had ever had, to make clear to the world that we were leaders and meant business.

And Roosevelt's favorite saying was "Speak softly and carry a big stick," which sounds pretty much like the modern John McCain.

McCain is learning to rein himself in

2008-02-17T10:17:00.001-08:00

So this is what it looks like when the maverick becomes The Man.

By Mark Leibovich of the New York Times

Senator John McCain was sitting in the front of his fancy-pants front-runner’s plane, trying to get comfortable. He fidgeted, occasionally lapsing into un-McCainlike blandness: “There is a process in place that will formalize the methodology,” he said in describing how his free-form campaign style will assume the discipline expected of a probable Republican standard-bearer.

The position is unnatural to Mr. McCain, who has typically floundered when not playing the insurgent role. But now he is in the midst of an at-times awkward transition — from being one of the most disruptive figures in his party to someone playing it safer, not to mention trying to make nice with Republicans he clearly despises and who feel similarly about him.

“I’m trying to unify the party,” he says a lot these days, as if reminding himself. He is trying to remain “Johnny B. Goode” (the song blares over a loudspeaker at some McCain rallies), giving relatively cautious answers and trying to rein in his pugnacity, if not his wisecracks.

On a flight from Burlington, Vt., to Warwick, R.I., on Thursday, Mr. McCain volunteered that Brooke Buchanan, his spokeswoman who was seated nearby and rolling her eyes, “has a lot of her money hidden in the Cayman Islands” and that she earned it by “dealing drugs.” Previously, Mr. McCain has identified Ms. Buchanan as “Pat Buchanan’s illegitimate daughter,” “bipolar,” “a drunk,” “someone with a lot of boyfriends” and “just out of Betty Ford.”

It is only a matter of time before some viewer, listener or reader complains — recovering addicts, for example, mental illness sufferers, or, for that matter, Pat Buchanan himself.

Rebel image

One of the trademarks of Mr. McCain’s rebel image has been his inability to cloak his emotions, especially anger. He has been prone to volcanic blowups over the years. And while he would hardly be the first president with a temper, Mr. McCain has been ever vigilant of late about resisting provocation.

He mentioned his recent appearance in Washington before the Conservative Political Action Conference. (No adoring audience, the conventiongoers favored Mitt Romney, a former Massachusetts governor, in a straw poll, even though Mr. Romney had quit the race.)

“They booed me when I brought up immigration,” Mr. McCain said. “And, automatically, I just smiled.”

He repeated himself — “Smile! Smile!” — as if recreating an internal exercise that ensured this triumph of self-possession.

Former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania, who backed Mr. Romney in this year’s race, said Mr. McCain, of Arizona, deserved credit for having gone through the entire campaign “under stressful conditions” without any memorable outbursts.

“Does he have a capacity to control it?” asked Mr. Santorum, referring to Mr. McCain’s detonations. “Over the course of the campaign, I think he has managed to. But I think it is a legitimate cause for concern.”

The more famous McCain outbursts have been widely recalled in recent months, in part courtesy of the Romney campaign, which circulated a “Top 10 List” of Mr. McCain’s explosions.

The perception that he struggles to control his anger makes Mr. McCain angry. “I know I sound a little bit defensive,” he said. “But for the last 10 years, I’ve had very little significant disagreement with my colleagues, certainly not personal ones.”

That’s not exactly true: fellow senators and staff members cite more recent dust-ups involving profanities, red-faced exchanges and quick-trigger reactions. Still, only one entry on Mr. McCain’s Greatest Fits list occurred in the last year. He complains that people keep invoking “a problem I had with Chuck Grassley,” referring to the debate in which he shouted unprintable profanities at his Republican colleague from Iowa. “It was 12, 14 years ago,” Mr. McCain said. (It was, in fact, 16.)

Part of being “presidential” and “uniting the party” involves grinning and bearing a wide variety of grievances — in Mr. McCain’s case, from anti-immigration activists, right-wing talk show hosts and the many lawmakers and lobbyists Mr. McCain has crossed, undermined, annoyed and overshadowed over the years.

In addition to winning over his adversaries, Mr. McCain, 71, confronts many obstacles these days, all formidable. He faces well-financed and determined — if not unified — Democrats, questions about his age, and mounting fears about the economy (not his strong suit, he admits).

But Mr. McCain’s chief encumbrance might be himself, namely, his historic inability to play the role of go-along-get-along leader. His flirtation with being the front-runner early last year resulted in near disaster. He has charmed the news media with his quippy and accessible style, and made his political name as a party renegade.

Being on top with a growing staff, greater scrutiny and all the “best behavior” that demands does not necessary play to his strengths. “If he tries to be someone else, that’s a prescription for disaster,” said Bob Stevenson, a Republican strategist who was an aide to Bill Frist, the former Senate majority leader.

“But once you become the nominee of the party,” Mr. Stevenson said, “you begin a transition into a different role, and that transition might be steeper for John McCain than some previous nominees.”

It is with some satisfaction — and irony — that Mr. McCain cataloged the list of longtime Republican adversaries who have lined up in the last week to support him. “John Cornyn endorsed me,” Mr. McCain boasted in the interview, referring to the Republican senator from Texas at whom he directed a well-publicized string of profanities in a meeting last year.

So did Ted Stevens, Mr. McCain said, referring to the longtime senator from Alaska whose enmity for Mr. McCain — and vice versa — is well known. “It was pretty short,” Mr. McCain said of the Stevens endorsement.

'Cold chill down my spine'

“Thad Cochran endorsed me, too,” Mr. McCain marveled, referring to a very brief statement from the Republican senator from Mississippi who recently told The Boston Globe that the thought of Mr. McCain as president “sends a cold chill down my spine.”

Mr. Cochran, who declined to comment for this article, went on to call his longtime colleague “erratic,” “hotheaded” and someone who “loses his temper” and “worries me.”

Mr. McCain said he encountered Mr. Cochran on the Senate floor on Wednesday and the two exchanged a pro forma hug. There was no mention of Mr. Cochran’s criticisms. “What’s the point?” Mr. McCain said. The point — or one point — is that an earlier version of Mr. McCain might have approached Mr. Cochran with less gracious intent.

In the course of a day on the stump, he demonstrated repeatedly that the Old McCain was being retooled on the fly. As his bus wound through Boston on Thursday, Mr. McCain began to tell the gathered-around reporters a sweet story about Senator Edward M. Kennedy. It is an anecdote he has told publicly many times — about how Mr. Kennedy arranged an elaborate birthday celebration for Mr. McCain’s son Jimmy when he turned 11.

But Mr. McCain knows that public appreciation for Ted Kennedy is not the best way to win over the Republican base, so he prefaced the story with a request that it not be attributed to him. (Although he has told the story on the record many times.)

Mr. McCain was stretched out on a velour-covered seat, holding court. He was on his way to put a happy face on a pained encounter — an endorsement by Mr. Romney, a man whom Mr. McCain’s campaign had not long ago derided as a phony, flailing flip-flopper.

Reporters tried to incite Mr. McCain into a wisecrack. One asked if Mr. Romney had “flip-flopped” on his view of Mr. McCain. Mr. McCain grinned tightly, and spoke of how grateful he was for Mr. Romney’s support.

Upon arriving at Mr. Romney’s soon-to-close headquarters, Mr. McCain stood dutifully for a photo op. The onetime adversaries gripped and grinned behind a lectern, standing about as far away as two people shaking hands possibly can.

Mr. McCain stood to the side while his taller, tanner and better-rested former rival called him “a true American hero.”

In turn, the front-runner praised Mr. Romney for running a “hard, intensive, fine, honorable” campaign. “I respect him enormously,” Mr. McCain said, looking solemn, before catching himself and flashing an autopilot smile.

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McCain Rallies House GOP Members

2008-02-13T10:02:00.000-08:00

By LIBBY QUAID

WASHINGTON - Republican nominee-in-waiting John McCain appealed to GOP House members for help rallying conservatives behind him, acknowledging the party must unite if it hopes to match the enthusiasm generated by Democrats Barack Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton.

McCain met Wednesday with House Republicans in an effort to smooth over past conflicts and encourage critics to back his candidacy. McCain, all but assured the nomination, won Tuesday's primaries in Maryland, Virginia and the District of Columbia.

"I'm very gratified by the very warm reception that I received from the Republican conference this morning - a spirited and a good discussion of some of the issues," McCain told reporters afterward. "I'm very grateful for our pledge to work together."

McCain spoke at a Capitol Hill news conference where he was flanked by the House GOP leadership. The Arizona senator is working hard to reassure critics who are suspicious of his more moderate positions on some issues and of his tendency to work with Democrats.

Republican leader John Boehner, for one, was willing to set aside differences.

"Clearly, I've had some disagreements with Senator McCain over the years," said Boehner, an Ohio congressman. "But I've got to tell you, I've watched this presidential race unfold, and I've watched John McCain be a strong advocate for the principles I believe in."

GOP whip Roy Blunt called McCain "the best possible nominee for us to take back the House."

"The nominee who appeals to Reagan Democrats, the nominee who appeals to independents, the nominee who will unite conservatives in a way that assures he'll be not only the next president, but he'll be working with a Republican majority in the House," Blunt said.

McCain promised to work hard to elect Republicans to the House, and allowed the Democrats have generated more enthusiasm among voters to date.

Complicating his task is Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, who has stubbornly refused to leave the Republican race despite the seeming impossibility of overcoming McCain's commanding lead in the chase for convention delegates.

"Of course, I would like for him to withdraw today; it would be much easier," McCain said. "But I respect his right to remain in this race for just as long as he wants to."

Huckabee gave McCain big trouble Tuesday among conservatives in Virginia. There, exit polls showed 63 percent of white, born-again Christians supported Huckabee.

Even so, McCain noted, he won Virginia by more than 9 percent.

"In any election I've ever been involved in, a 9 percent cushion is very good," McCain said. "I also understand why many evangelical Christians would vote for Governor Huckabee. He is a Baptist minister."

As he did Tuesday night, McCain focused much of his criticism on Obama, Tuesday's winner on the Democratic side.

"I respect him and the campaign that he has run, but there's going to come a time when we have to get into specifics," McCain told reporters Wednesday on Capitol Hill. "I've not observed every speech he's given, obviously, but they are singularly lacking in specifics."

Link to article

Obama and McCain Spar From Victory Podiums

2008-02-13T09:30:00.000-08:00

Alex Frangos reports from Alexandria, Va., on the presidential race.

The results were barely in tonight and the two sweepers, Barack Obama and John McCain began to rhetorically lock horns in a preview of the possible November match-up.

Obama, riding high on his eight contest winning streak, turned his words to the likely Republican nominee. “We honor his service to our nation. But his priorities don’t address the real problems of the American people, because they are bound to the failed policies of the past,” he said tonight at a rally in Madison, Wis. Alluding to Mr. McCain’s support of President Bush’s policies on the Iraq War and tax cuts, he said “George Bush won’t be on the ballot this November … the Bush-Cheney war, the Bush-Cheney tax cuts, will be on the ballot.”

McCain’s victory speech had some tart rejoinders aimed at Obama’s campaign themes.

“They will promise a new approach to governing, but offer only the policies of a political orthodoxy that insists the solution to government’s failures is to simply make it bigger,” McCain said.

Then he took a long verbal tour of Obama’s signature theme.

“Hope, my friends, is a powerful thing,” McCain said, “I have seen men’s hopes tested in hard and cruel ways that few will ever experience.”

He went on: “To encourage a country with only rhetoric rather than sound and proven ideas that trust in the strength and courage of free people is not a promise of hope. It is a platitude.”

John McCain claws past Mike Huckabee

2008-02-13T09:25:00.000-08:00

John McCain sweeps Maryland, Virginia, Washington DC
Barack Obama wins Democratic races
US presidential election: Follow it with us

JOHN McCain, the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, has swept rival Mike Huckabee in three capital area primaries, even as polls pointed to his lingering weakness among conservatives.

The southern state of Virginia returned closer than expected results, with senator McCain tallying 50 per cent of the vote compared with Mr Huckabee's 41 per cent with most precincts reporting.

Pre-primary polls had given senator McCain a 2-1 advantage over the former Arkansas governor and ordained Baptist minister.

The nation's capital showed a wider lead for senator McCain according to early reports: 67 per cent of voters to 17 per cent for Mr Huckabee, and Maryland had senator McCain winning with 55 to 33 per cent.

A CNN exit poll showed that while senator McCain took conservatives in Maryland 43-36, he still lost big among Virginia conservatives: 51 per cent of whom picked Mr Huckabee to 38 per cent for senator McCain.

The trio of victories provided a boost to senator McCain's campaign, already in high gear despite losing nominating contests to Mr Huckabee in the conservative southern states of Louisiana and Kansas earlier this month.

Sweep

Senator McCain thanked the region's voters "for a clean sweep of the Potomac primary" during his victory speech and praised his rival, saying his "passionate supporters are a credit to him and our party".

"And my friends, he certainly keeps things interesting, a little too interesting at times tonight."

Senator McCain, a conservative who has garnered support from independent voters in the past, vowed to reach out to all voters in the Republican base, even ultraconservatives who are wary that his stances are too centrist.

"I will make my case to every American who will listen. I will not confine myself to the comfort of speaking only to those who agree with me. I will make my case to all the people."

Mr Huckabee vowed to continue his fight and told supporters the race was far from over. "The next several weeks are going to be the very intense weeks when a lot of delegates are at stake. And a lot will be decided as far as the long-term impact of where this process is going," he said.

"One thing that we have continually said, and I'm going to reiterate tonight, that the nomination is not secured until somebody has 1191 delegates. That has not yet happened."

Next fight

In his speech, senator McCain looked ahead to the White House race against the eventual Democratic party nominee.

"But now comes the hard part, and for America, the much bigger decision. We do not yet know for certain who will have the honor of being the Democratic Party's nominee for president," he said.

"But we know where either of their candidates will lead this country, and we dare not let them."

Democratic hopeful Barack Obama swept the area's nominating contests, carving into White House rival Hillary Clinton's powerbase and taking his winning streak to eight. However, the Illinois and New York senators remain in close fight for delegates.

Mr Huckabee has not engaged in bitter attacks against his rival, leading some experts to believe he might want to be senator McCain's vice-presidential nominee. But he did try to raise doubts about the senator at a breakfast meeting with reporters.

"If (McCain) is the nominee, I think the party will eventually coalesce around him," Mr Huckabee said, according to the Chicago Tribune. "I don't think he will be able to motivate" the base, "the footsoldiers."

Republican strategist Scott Reed said Mr Huckabee will eventually reach the end of his rope and give up.

"I just think Republicans need to give Huckabee some space and let him recognise it's mathematically impossible for him to win the nomination. There aren't any miracles in national politics, and he'll come to his own conclusion," he said.

- from AFP, Reuters

McCain asks skeptical conservatives for support

2008-02-09T10:10:00.000-08:00

With Romney dispatched, senator tries to rebuild key bridge

Sen. John McCain, R- Ariz., gestures during a speech to the Conservative Political Action Conference on Thursday in Washington, D.C. McCain spoke after rival Mitt Romney pulled out of the race during an earlier speech to the group.

WASHINGTON - Republican John McCain asked disgruntled conservatives to support his presidential bid on Thursday, shortly after Mitt Romney ended his struggling campaign and made McCain the all-but-certain nominee.

McCain assured a conference of conservative activists that he was one of them, citing his commitment to win in Iraq, halt Iran's nuclear ambitions and rein in the federal government while drawing sharp contrasts with potential Democratic opponents Hillary Clinton or Barack Obama.

McCain's speech, which drew boos on the topic of illegal immigration, followed by a few hours Romney's surprise announcement at the conference that he was ending his run to allow Republicans to focus on the November election.

"I feel I have to now stand aside, for our party and for our country," the former Massachusetts governor told the shocked crowd, some of whom gasped and shouted "no, no" in response.

Pleas for party unity

McCain, who has built an almost insurmountable lead in delegates to the party's nominating convention, pleaded for party unity during his appearance at the annual conference.

McCain, the 71-year-old former Vietnam prisoner of war, has become a target of critics on the right for his moderate views on illegal immigration, his votes against President Bush's tax cuts in 2001 and 2003 and his labeling in 2000 of some religious conservative leaders as "agents of intolerance."

"I know I have a responsibility, if I am, as I hope to be, the Republican nominee for president, to unite the party and prepare for the great contest in November," the Arizona senator told the activists gathered in a Washington hotel.

"And I am acutely aware that I cannot succeed in that endeavor, nor can our party prevail over the challenge we will face from either Senator Clinton or Senator Obama, without the support of dedicated conservatives," he said.

Still a ‘two-man race,’ says Huckabee
Romney pulled out after losing 14 of 21 states on Tuesday, the biggest day of U.S. presidential voting ahead of November's election, while McCain romped to coast-to-coast wins and cemented his position as front-runner.

Former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, who won five states on Tuesday, remains in the race but will have a difficult task overcoming McCain, who has rolled up more than 700 of the 1,081 delegates needed to win the nomination.

"This is a two-man race for the nomination, and I am committed to marching on," Huckabee said in a statement after Romney's withdrawal.

McCain's name was booed by some members of the audience when Romney mentioned him, but he drew mostly cheers when he appeared before the crowd — many of them McCain supporters brought in by the campaign.

Drawing some boos
He earned boos, however, when he brought up his support during last year's Senate debate for a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants. McCain has since said border security must come first.

"It is my sincere hope that even if you believe I have occasionally erred in my reasoning as a fellow conservative, you will still allow that I have, in many ways important to all of us, maintained the record of a conservative," McCain told the conference.

Some attendees said they were disappointed Romney was leaving, calling him the only conservative candidate in the race.

"This leaves me very concerned about the future of the Republican Party," said Nathan Shapiro, 22, a college student in New York. "I don't think McCain will carry on the traditions of the Republican Party. He's not a real conservative."

Romney said he was pulling out of the race in order to let Republicans prepare for a general election battle against the two remaining Democrats, both whom have campaigned to withdraw U.S. troops from Iraq.

"In this time of war, I simply cannot let my campaign be a part of aiding a surrender to terror," he said.

McCain's Lead Widens for GOP Nomination

2008-02-06T13:52:00.000-08:00

By DAVID ESPO
AP Special Correspondent

WASHINGTON - Sen. John McCain padded his lead in the race for Republican national convention delegates Wednesday, claiming far more than his three remaining rivals combined as he prodded conservative critics to cut him some slack.
In a fresh sign of ferment in the Democratic race, campaign officials disclosed that Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton had loaned her campaign $5 million late last month, at a time when she was struggling to keep up with Sen. Barack Obama's television advertising in Super Tuesday states.

The delegate count was tight in the Democratic race, where Clinton held a relatively narrow lead of 98 over Obama in a struggle likely to reverberate through the spring.

McCain was easily outdistancing his GOP rivals, and hoping criticism from his own party would ease.

"I do hope that at some point we would just calm down a little bit and see if there's areas we can agree on," he said, one day in advance of an appearance before conservative activists who have shunned his candidacy.

Nearly complete delegate returns from coast-to-coast races on Super Tuesday left McCain with 703 delegates, nearly 60 percent of the 1,191 needed to win the nomination at the convention in St. Paul, Minn., this summer.

Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney had 260, former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee 190 and Texas Rep. Ron Paul 14.

Despite the lengthening odds, Romney and Huckabee showed no clear signs they were ready to exit the race.

The Democratic delegate count lagged, the result of party rules that shunned the type of winner-take-all primaries that helped McCain build his advantage.

On Tuesday's busiest primary night in history, Clinton and Obama were separated by 40 delegates, with several hundred yet to be allocated.

Overall, that left Clinton with 1,000, and Obama with 902, neither of them even halfway to the 2,025 needed to secure the Democratic nomination.

With little time to rest, both pointed toward the next contests, primaries in Louisiana, Maryland, Virginia and the District of Columbia plus caucuses in Nebraska, Washington Maine and the Virgin Islands over the next week. In all, those states offer 353 delegates.

At a news conference in Chicago, Obama claimed victory on Super Tuesday, saying he had won more states than the former first lady for the day and would wind up with more delegates by the time all were tallied.

He bluntly took issue with the suggestion that he, more than she, could be brought down by Swift Boat-style criticism in the fall campaign.

"I have to just respond by saying that the Clinton research operation is about as good as anybody's out there," he said.

"I assure you that having engaged in a contest against them for the last year that they've pulled out all the stops. And you know I think what is absolutely true is whoever the Democratic nominee is the Republicans will go after them. The notion that somehow Senator Clinton is going to be immune from attack or there's not a whole dump truck they can't back up in a match between her and John McCain is just not true."

He said he would be campaigning in all the states in the next round of primaries and caucuses.

Clinton's plans were not yet public for the next contests, and senior aides conceded Obama would have more to spend on ads.

"We will have funds to compete," Mark Penn, Clinton's chief strategist, told reporters in a conference call. "But we're likely to be outspent again."

Asked whether Clinton and her husband, the former president, had decided to dip into their own wealth to finance their campaign, Penn said, "I'm not aware."

But a few hours later, Howard Wolfson, the campaign's communications director, said the senator had loaned money to her campaign late last month.

Officials with both campaigns have said Obama raised $32 million in January and that Clinton raised $13.5 million, a significant gap between the two that allowed Obama to place ads in virtually every Super Tuesday state and to get a head start on advertising in primaries and caucuses over the next week.

Anatomy of a comeback: How McCain pulled it off

2008-02-06T13:12:00.000-08:00

By Elisabeth Bumiller and David D. Kirkpatrick

Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., left, shares a laugh with Florida Gov. Charlie Crist and Sen. Joe Lieberman, I-Conn., right, on McCain's campaign charter plane shortly after landing Tuesday in San Diego.
On a Friday morning last July, Sen. John McCain packed a carry-on bag, boarded a cheap flight out of Baltimore and traveled alone to New Hampshire.

His campaign had just burned through $24 million and had nearly gone broke. His sunny comments about progress in Iraq had made him a target of derision. His calls for loosening immigration rules had outraged grass-roots conservatives.

So when McCain spoke at a campaign event in Concord that afternoon, he might have been the only one in the room who thought he could salvage his candidacy. "Everybody came that day to see the dead man walk," recalled Fergus Cullen, the chairman of the New Hampshire Republican Party.

The Arizona senator's victories on Tuesday night, which cemented his status as his party's front-runner, were part of one of the most remarkable resurrection stories in recent American politics. How it happened has as much to do with events beyond McCain's control — the success of the troop buildup he supported in Iraq, Rudy Giuliani's decision not to contest New Hampshire — as it does with the stubbornness of McCain, a former prisoner of war, to stick it out.

But McCain was also helped by factors that defied much of the conventional wisdom. His support for broadening access to citizenship rallied Hispanic Republicans pivotal to his success in Florida. His decision to talk about how moved he was when one of his North Vietnamese captors drew a cross in the sand for him at Christmas helped him win over many conservative Christians in South Carolina even as he was pilloried by national evangelical leaders and talk-show hosts.

Focus: New Hampshire

A critical factor was his campaign's decision to pour almost all of its scarce resources into trying to make an early splash in New Hampshire, a small state that fit McCain's budget and his style of campaigning in intimate town-hall meetings.

Finally, McCain's campaign could not have recovered without a last-ditch $3 million loan last fall, when the candidate, who is 71, put up as collateral his campaign mailing list, the principal asset of his political future, and took out a life-insurance policy to assure the bankers that they would be paid, even if he died.

McCain officially kicked off his campaign on April 25 last year, when he announced his candidacy to an often listless crowd in Portsmouth, N.H., then repeated his remarks later to a gathering pelted by cold rain in Manchester.

Although he had expected to raise $100 million by the end of 2007, his positions on the war and immigration turned off the small donors who had been his mainstay in his 2000 presidential race. McCain had also alienated many potential big donors — particularly those in the lobbying, telecommunications and military industries — with various legislative crusades.

At the same time, his campaign was spending freely. He had 150 people on his payroll and the highest-paid staff of any campaign of either party.

Changing tactics

The troubles exploded on July 10, when the campaign announced, at the very moment that McCain stood on the Senate floor opposing a withdrawal from Iraq, that his top two political aides, John Weaver and Terry Nelson, were departing. Speculation raced through both parties that McCain would soon withdraw from the race.

But three days later, McCain got off a Southwest Airlines flight in Manchester and began the long climb back up.

The first decision was to jettison the planned 30-state campaign — McCain could not afford it, anyway — and focus almost solely on New Hampshire, where he had upset George W. Bush in the 2000 primary.

"He said, 'I know how to campaign here in New Hampshire, this state is tailor-made for me, I'll live off the land,' " recalled Steve Duprey, a former New Hampshire Republican Party chairman and a top McCain supporter.

As McCain traveled in Duprey's Suburban to banter and argue with voters in small gatherings, Rick Davis, the new campaign manager, brought costs under control, if only because there was no money and no other choice. Davis and other senior advisers worked without salaries, as they do to this day.

A turning point came in a debate in Durham, N.H., on Sept. 5, when McCain took Mitt Romney, the former Massachusetts governor and one of his Republican rivals, to task for saying the "surge" strategy in Iraq was "apparently" working.

"It is working," McCain said, in a sharp response that drew largely good reviews and energized his campaign. "No, not 'apparently.' It's working."

A week later, McCain was on what his campaign billed as a "No Surrender" Iowa bus tour. The candidate packed a bus with former fellow prisoners of war from Vietnam and newly minted veterans from Iraq and stopped at VFW posts and American Legion halls across Iowa to argue that the strategy in Iraq was a success. The campaign became convinced that even those voters who disagreed with McCain took notice.

"He was willing to stake his political fortune," said Michael DuHaime, a top adviser to the Giuliani campaign. "People respect that."

Front-runner fades

But the campaign, which could scarcely afford the bus, was being dramatically outspent by Romney and Giuliani. It was able to broadcast only one New Hampshire TV commercial, made at cost by McCain's media consultant, but campaign advisers said it nonetheless nudged McCain's poll numbers upward.

By November, polls showed the public began to feel less negative about Iraq, where violence had declined. McCain's early support for increasing troop levels began to look prescient. At the same time, his closest rival for the nomination, Giuliani, began to fade after a series of critical stories about his years as mayor of New York City, and soon decided to pull out of New Hampshire entirely.

"The rise of McCain is literally tied to the decline of Giuliani," said Andrew Kohut, a pollster and the president of the Pew Research Center.

The $3 million loan kept the campaign alive into December, when it became clear that Fred Thompson, another Republican rival, was going nowhere. At the same time, a TV commercial that ran in late December about the cross in the sand, titled "My Christmas Story," seemed to be reaching evangelicals in South Carolina.

"In 2000, in spite of the urging of several of us, Senator McCain was reluctant to speak about how faith got him through his POW experience," said Gary Bauer, a prominent Christian conservative who became one of the few to endorse him eight years ago.

"In this campaign, he has been much more willing to show more of his own heart and his relationship with God, and I think that has contributed to the fact that essentially the evangelical vote is being divided three ways," among McCain, Romney and Mike Huckabee, a minister before he became Arkansas' governor, Bauer said.

By Jan. 3, when Huckabee was the surprise winner in the Iowa caucuses, McCain's advisers were jubilant that the victory had weakened Romney, then McCain's most serious competitor.

"Huckabee chipping Romney in Iowa was an enormous event for the campaign," said Steve Schmidt, one of McCain's senior advisers.

Pulling ahead

McCain's New Hampshire victory created the momentum that he and his advisers had long hoped for. The win in South Carolina followed, not least because McCain had in place a "truth squad" of establishment Republicans to repel smear tactics that had derailed his primary campaign there in 2000.

Last week, propelled once again by momentum and money that was at last rolling in, McCain managed to win Florida with big support from Cuban-Americans, a critical voting bloc. It was no accident that his first appearance in the state after his South Carolina victory was at a restaurant in Little Havana, where he was introduced only in Spanish by a crucial supporter, Rep. Lincoln Diaz-Balart of Miami. At the same time, Giuliani, who had spent millions of dollars and weeks in the state, was in free fall, and ultimately lost the primary.

This week, as McCain grew more confident of winning, the maverick who had long defied and exasperated his party began promoting himself as a true conservative who could unify Republicans for the fight in November.

"The party always comes together after we have the nominee," McCain said after he touched down on Tuesday in Phoenix to watch election returns. "That's a legacy handed down to us from Ronald Reagan."

John McCain - New Face Of GOP

2008-02-06T13:03:00.000-08:00

After amassing a huge delegate lead in 21 Super Tuesday contests, John McCain is the new face of the Republican Party. Despite loud and sometimes bitter opposition from some conservative corners, the Arizona senator has edged ever closer to winning his party’s presidential nomination.

Both Mitt Romney and Mike Huckabee pledged to fight on. But the sheer delegate deficit each must now erase to overtake McCain will make it harder by the day for them to have a realistic chance.

Charting a path to the nomination for either candidate at this point is challenging, at best. Some southern or quasi-southern states remain targets for Huckabee -- states like Virginia, Kentucky and Mississippi. For Romney, who is out of home states to run in, the obvious targets are even less clear. But big states like Ohio and Texas would surely be on the list. What Romney does have is the money to keep running.

Big wins will be harder to come by now because just two pure winner-take-all contests remain - Virginia and the District of Columbia. The remaining states mostly allocate their delegates by congressional district winners, meaning it will be harder to overcome McCain’s delegate lead. And over half the delegates headed to the national convention have been selected already.

“Winning states is important, but it's really about delegates,” said Michigan Congressman Peter Hoekstra, a Romney backer. “Romney has to win enough delegates to get a reasonable number of people to look at him." True, but the bigger question is whether he can possibly cobble together enough to win.

Huckabee now looks very much like a regional candidate. He has not won outside of the South since Iowa and showed little strength in the Midwest, Northeast and West on Super Tuesday, despite winning five states.

Romney has proven he can win his various home states - Massachusetts, Utah and, earlier, Michigan. - but little else. What Romney did that Huckabee did not was demonstrate considerable strength nationwide, from Georgia to Colorado and points in-between.

Each will have something to hang on to after this day, Romney a likely second-place in the delegate count, Huckabee some statewide wins.

In the end, Romney has been stymied by better-known, more able candidates. He may also be the victim of a serious misunderstanding about what conservatism means today. Romney has sought to cast the race as being about who is more conservative, amplifying the mantra started by angry talk-show hosts protesting that McCain was not one of them.

But Romney seems to have missed his own stump speech in which he frequently talks about the three legs of the conservative coalition - economic, national security and social issues.

Among Republican primary voters nationwide voting on Super Tuesday, McCain won among those who cited the economy as their biggest concern, even as they thought Romney the best candidate to deal with it, according to CBS News exit polls. Whether those voters were conservative or not, they are speaking for the Republican Party.

McCain also won among those who cited national security as their top concern but finished third among those seeking a candidate who shares their values. In other words, McCain won two of the three legs of conservatism. Most importantly, McCain won the delegate rich (and winner-take-all) states giving him a big leg up on getting to the 1,191 needed to lock up the nomination.

McCain is for sure the choice of moderate and independent-minded Republican voters. There is also some evidence that he’s not the overwhelming choice among them.

Thirty-seven percent of primary voters on Super Tuesday called themselves pro-choice but just 51 percent of those voters chose McCain. And on immigration, one of the most contentious issues in this election, 54 percent said they oppose the deportation of illegal immigrants and just 46 percent of them voted for McCain. But McCain did not win traditional Republican states in the south or west, carrying more Democratic-friendly territory in the northeast as well as California.

The road to eventual victory may be daunting for Romney and Huckabee but the path to reconciliation within the party itself may prove more so. The rancorous debate that has erupted in recent days between Romney and Rush Limbaugh on one side attacking McCain and Huckabee on the other will need time to heal.

Limbaugh isn’t sounding optimistic about a coming-together anytime soon. “If down the road you think that the election of Obama, Hillary, or McCain is going to result in very bad things happening to the country,” he said on his radio show yesterday, “Who would you rather get the blame for it?”

Ironically, it’s the Democratic race which might relieve the pressure on Huckabee and Romney to bow out. Nothing would soothe a party with a financial and energy deficit than a head-start on the general election, allowing their nominee to repair the party and begin the fall campaign in earnest.

Original article link.

2008-01-19T13:09:00.000-08:00

McCain: Spending Is Out of Control

2008-01-19T13:08:00.000-08:00

By TOM RAUM

FLORENCE, S.C. (AP) — Republican John McCain said Friday his party lost control of federal spending and expressed reservations about President Bush's economic stimulus plan as South Carolina voters got bad economic news on the eve of the GOP presidential primary.

Rival Mike Huckabee told voters Bush is on the right track with a plan to boost the economy. Former Tennessee Sen. Fred Thompson mostly concurred.

"I think if we're going to have a stimulus plan, that's probably the direction we need to go in," Thompson said in Spartanburg, S.C.

Pocketbook issues took the forefront of the presidential campaign here with the sobering news that the state unemployment rate had hit 6.6 percent in December, as a result of the largest one-month increase in nearly 20 years.

The number of South Carolina residents without jobs rose nearly 16,000 to 142,800 in December, the state Employment Security Commission reported Friday. The total number of nonfarm jobs fell by 5,900 in December from the month before.

Bush backed a package of about $145 billion worth of tax relief and other incentives Friday to give the economy a "shot in the arm." The president and Congress are scrambling to take action as fears mount that a severe housing slump and painful credit crisis could cause people to close their wallets and businesses to put a lid on hiring, throwing the nation into its first recession since 2001.

McCain blamed overspending in part for the nation's economic troubles.

"As a Republican, I stand before you embarrassed. Embarrassed that we let that spending get out of control, and it led to corruption. Now we have former members of Congress residing in prison," McCain told a town-hall style meeting at the Carolina Hospital East Campus in Florence. "If I'm president, it's going to stop."

"I'm not too astonished," by the bleak news, McCain added. "We let spending get totally out of control, and it continues today, and I'm sorry to tell you this."

McCain has voiced apprehension over proposals for temporary tax cuts and more spending as suggested by many Democrats and Republicans, saying they result in additional strains on resources. McCain has instead proposed cuts in corporate taxes from 35 percent to 25 percent, extension of Bush's tax cuts, and elimination of the Alternative Minimum Tax, which was enacted to prevent wealthy taxpayers from using many deductions to avoid federal income taxes.

Meanwhile, Huckabee told voters at a technical college in Greenville, S.C., that Bush's plan is "a good short-term solution."

"But I'm going to tell you, we need some long-term solutions in this country," he said.

One of his solutions is to replace income taxes and all other federal taxes with a 23 percent national sales tax, with rebates for the poor and working class. Such a system, Huckabee said, would force "drug dealers, illegals, prostitutes, pimps and gamblers — you know, all the relatives you didn't want to come to your house this past Christmas" — to pay taxes.

"Imagine what would happen in this country when everybody is having to do their business on top of the table, instead of underneath the table," the former Arkansas governor said

Huckabee noted that his rivals said the national economy was doing well at a debate last year in Dearborn, Mich.

"I think now they realize they didn't get it," he said. "They all talk to a handful of folks at the top and never listen to the people who really make this country work. That's the people who go from paycheck to paycheck and for whom there is no safety net."

Thompson said Bush's $150 billion proposal with rebates could work along with a half percentage point interest rate reduction.

Interest rate reduction is critical with tightening consumer credit, Thompson said, "but in combination with that it makes a certain amount of sense to target a certain amount of relief in terms of tax rebates or in terms of withholding amounts" to put money into the hands of people who would put it into the economy.

"I think increasing the child tax credit for a year from $1,000 to $1,500 would do a lot of good," Thompson said.

An MSNBC-McClatchy Newspapers poll released Thursday of likely Republican primary voters in South Carolina had McCain and Huckabee in a virtual tie at 27 percent to 25 percent, respectively. Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, who has been pitching himself to voters as the candidate best able to turnaround the economy because of his successful business career, was third in the poll at 15 percent.

Another poll released Friday by Fox News/Opinion Dynamics gave McCain the lead at 27 percent, followed by Huckabee, 20 percent, and Romney, 15 percent. The poll also found one in five South Carolina Republicans are still undecided. They named the economy as the campaign's top issue, and those who did preferred McCain, according to the poll.

Associated Press Writer Jim Davenport contributed to this story.

McCain responds to attacks in S.C.

2008-01-19T13:06:00.000-08:00

Posted by Foon Rhee, deputy national political editor

John McCain, who was slimed before losing the South Carolina primary in 2000, is sitting back this time around.

An Internet ad his campaign launched today uses rival Mike Huckabee's own words to rebut charges in automated telephone calls that McCain supports medical tests on fetuses and amnesty for illegal immigrants.

"Senator McCain, no matter what anyone may say, is a genuine conservative," Huckabee says in the web-only ad, which splices together comments from interviews and debates. "John McCain is a hero in this country. He's a hero to me. If you look at his record, he's got a solid record on things that really matter. He's pro-life, he's strong for our country's defense and security."

Then, it says on the screen, "If you want the truth about John McCain, just ask Mike Huckabee."

Thursday, McCain used another web ad to respond to mailers suggesting he put his well-being above that of his fellow POWs in Vietnam. That ad featured testimonials from some of those held captive in the Hanoi Hilton with McCain.

Eight years ago, McCain was also coming off a win in the New Hampshire primary. But in the final days before the South Carolina, he was derailed in part by false rumors that he had fathered an illegitimate black child. This campaign, McCain created a fast-response truth squad in South Carolina, and tried to pre-empt a reprise of those rumors by send out a mailer about his record against abortion and for adoption that featured his wife holding the daughter they adopted from "Mother Teresa's orphanage in Bangledesh."

2008-01-15T05:23:00.001-08:00

McCain brings his 'straight talk' to Muskegon

2008-01-15T05:20:00.000-08:00

Posted by Steve Gunn
The Muskegon Chronicle January 15, 2008 06:47A

U.S. Sen. John McCain seems determined to stick to his "straight talk" reputation, even when addressing a friendly group of fellow Republicans on the eve of a crucial primary election.

He demonstrated that Monday afternoon at a rally at Nichols Corp. in Norton Shores, where he spent parts of his speech trumpeting themes that aren't usually high on Republican wish lists, like the need to battle global warming, or provide federal subsidies for the salaries of displaced workers who are forced to take lower-paying jobs.

And the crowd still seemed to love it, chanting themes like "Mac is back" during his short-but-spirited presentation.

Whether voters around the state feel the same way will be determined Tuesday when McCain faces GOP rivals Mitt Romney, Mike Huckabee and others in the Michigan presidential primary.

McCain, joined by his wife Cindy McCain, Republican National Committeewoman Holly Hughes, Republican National Committeeman John Yob, U.S. Rep. Fred Upton and State Senator Wayne Kuipers, R-Holland, spoke to a crowd of about 1,000 supporters.

The issue of global warming and the perceived need to lower greenhouse gas emissions and develop alternative energy sources were major themes.

He called for the development of solar, wind and tide-powered energy sources. He called for battery-powered cars and independence from oil producing nations. He said he had long favored "green technologies" and the "green revolution" that's spreading across America.

"Suppose there is no such thing as climate change, but we adopt these proposals, in a free enterprise fashion, to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in this country and the world," McCain said to polite applause. "(At the least) we hand these young people a cleaner planet.

"But suppose we are right when we say the ice caps are melting and native Alaskan villages on the Arctic Circle are tumbling into the ocean. . .and we do nothing. Then what kind of planet are we handing to these young Americans?"

McCain based his call for energy independence on national security, claiming the U.S. sends about $400 billion per year to oil producing nations, and some of that money ends up with terrorist organizations.

He also called for the continued development of nuclear energy as an everyday power source.

"We always imitate the French -- 80 percent of their power comes from nuclear energy," he said.

While on the subject of France, McCain noted that the Western European nation, known for its criticism of American foreign policy, recently elected a conservative, pro-American president.

"It just shows you that if you live long enough, just about anything can happen," he quipped.

McCain also drew a lukewarm response to his proposal to use federal funds to retrain displaced workers, and to subsidize their salaries if they are forced to accept lower paying jobs.

"We are a Judeo-Christian valued nation," McCain said. "We can't just leave these people behind. I'm no liberal or big spender, but aren't we a nation that has to take care of workers who lose their jobs through no fault of their own?"

McCain also tried to deflect some criticism he's taken from Republican rivals in recent days over his suggestion that some Michigan manufacturing jobs are gone forever.

"I know the old jobs are gone, but there will be new jobs created, and I believe we are on the threshold of a great new day for Michigan," he said.

McCain also threw out a healthy portion of "red meat" stances for the fire-breathing partisans in the audience.

He called for improved medical care for military veterans, promised to hunt down Osama Bin Laden "to the gates of hell," and pledged to seal the nation's borders to illegal immigrants.

He also criticized federal spending, particularly "earmarks" like the one that would have committed millions of dollars to build a bridge to an Alaskan island with fewer than 100 residents.

He said Republicans lost control of Congress in 2006 because they spent too much, and have to return to their frugal ways.

"We Republicans have a special responsibility because of our traditional belief in the careful stewardship of your tax dollars.," he said.

McCain drew the loudest cheers for his defense of the war in Iraq, particularly the recent troop "surge" that has reportedly improved security and brought relative peace to that country.

McCain has received a lot of credit recently for calling for a surge-like troop buildup long before the Bush administration adopted it.

"My Democratic friends who declared the war lost, who said we couldn't make progress politically in Iraq, were wrong," he said. "I'm not going to ask them to apologize.

"But I am going to ask them to recognize our success and go back to the old American tradition that says partisanship stops at the water's edge, so we can join together to beat Al Queda, gain victory in Iraq and bring our troops home with honor."

The Republican: John McCain

2008-01-13T13:56:00.001-08:00

The oft-told story about John McCain's military service resonates to this day because it says so much about his integrity, strength and patriotism.

After being shot down and taken prisoner during the Vietnam War - and suffering many beatings - he was set to be released after the North Vietnamese learned his father was a prominent U.S. admiral. His captors wanted to score propaganda points. McCain, though, insisted prisoners held longer be freed first. He was kept in prison - for five years in all - and beaten again and again.

Even Hollywood would have a tough time matching that heroic plot line.

Today, McCain continues to be a man of strong conviction and unquestionable character. His leadership skills and experience make him the best Republican candidate in the field, and we support his nomination.

With his appeal to independent voters, his chances come November appear to be the Republicans' best bet for victory.

We appreciate that McCain campaigns on the issues, not demagoguery, and that he has a keen sense of bipartisan solutions to the nation's problems. He steers clear of polarizing statements and demonizing opponents. For instance, we can't see the Arizona senator participating in any kind of shameful and specious Swift Boat attack that became a centerpiece of the 2004 Bush campaign. Not with McCain's honesty and integrity.

Citizens are showing an eager desire to head in a new direction - away from the poisonous politics that have dominated the Bush years.

We don't march in lockstep with McCain on all the issues. While he has occasionally criticized Bush on Iraq, he nonetheless backs the war and especially the surge. He believes we must succeed in Iraq to help build a stable and secure region. We oppose the war and want to see our troops come home soon.

Yet McCain's ongoing backing of the surge, despite widespread opposition, shows the courage of his convictions as the strategy continues to show success. It appears voters have noticed, with his once-moribund campaign now very much alive and kicking thanks to victory in the New Hampshire primary.

McCain's economic policies focus on a pro-growth tax policy: keeping tax rates down and rewarding savings and investments. He would make Bush's income and investment tax cuts permanent. His policy of fiscal discipline - ending the Bush practice of excessive borrowing and deficit spending - is also appealing.

In order to chop away at wasteful spending, he plans to seek line-item veto power to halt earmarks and pork. Considering past failed efforts at this, McCain faces a Herculean task - but one we fully support.

He is not afraid to go against the GOP grain, either. He has vowed to be a leader in combating global warming, strive for public disclosure of the official activities of lobbyists to reduce their influence, and create an independent ethics office in Congress to restore public faith. McCain has also labeled interrogations that mimic drowning as a form of torture, alienating the party faithful.

He's in favor of universal health care - not with a government-run bureaucracy, but by bringing costs under control and promoting competition on cost and quality of care. While he's fuzzy on the details of accomplishing that, the country does not need another tax-gobbling federal agency. McCain also wants to eliminate frivolous lawsuits and exorbitant damage awards, which would definitely reduce costs. He also plans to protect Medicare, Medicaid and retirees' private health benefits.

He favors comprehensive immigration reform and had been a sponsor of the 2007 bill that would have boosted border security and provided a way for millions of undocumented workers to earn legal status. Whether immigration will become a defining issue in the campaign remains to be seen.

With solid domestic policies and vital experience in foreign affairs, McCain is the right Republican candidate at the right time in history. Above all else, this nation needs a strong leader, one who can be trusted. John McCain is that kind of leader.

2008-01-11T20:04:00.000-08:00

McCain insists he's 'always an underdog'

2008-01-11T20:03:00.002-08:00

John McCain claimed the role of resident underdog Wednesday in the race for the Republican presidential nomination, despite his big win in the New Hampshire primary.

Adding to the most wide open presidential campaign in a half-century, associates of New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg disclosed he had authorized polling and voter analysis in all 50 states in a possible precursor to an independent candidacy.

McCain made simultaneous appeals to independents and Republicans as he campaigned in Michigan for a victory that could drive former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney from the race.

The Republican establishment has never embraced me in my entire life. But I think we just proved that we can get the support of enough to win an election,'' he told reporters on his way to Grand Rapids. He added he would try to remind evangelical voters ''that my social conservative record has been consistent and unchanging.''

New Hampshire win or no, he said in Grand Rapids, ''I'm always an underdog. I always want to be called an underdog.''

Romney withdrew television advertising in South Carolina and Florida, two states with primaries later this month, despite telling supporters the race was just getting started and raising $1.5 million during the day for the campaign for the nomination. ''We feel the best strategy is to focus our paid messaging in Michigan,'' said his spokesman, Kevin Madden.

2008-01-07T17:02:00.001-08:00

John McCain has best chance at presidency

2008-01-07T16:59:00.000-08:00

Who will win the presidency? John McCain - hands down!

Americans aren't going to elect Barack Hussein Obama at a time when his name and Indonesian connection sound at odds with our current wars. And we won't elect Hillary Clinton; we're weary of the Bush and Clinton 20-year hold on the presidency. John Edwards may be electable, but he won't get the nomination.

Despite his charisma and qualifications, we aren't going to elect Mitt Romney. Public assertions aside, privately many still won't vote for a Mormon.

Rudy Giuliani did a grand job in New York post-9/11 but lacks the qualifications to be president. Baptist preacher Mike Huckabee is too evangelical for mainstream America.

That leaves our favorite son, Sen. John McCain.

McCain is qualified and respected for his heroic sacrifices. He's a little too liberal for some conservatives, and he's a little too conservative for some liberals, but overall he is the most acceptable to the greatest number of people.

Democrats should pray he doesn't get the nomination; Republicans should pray that he does. If he does, he will win.

Patricia Hance,Phoenix

Sen. McCain would make strongest GOP nominee

2008-01-07T16:53:00.000-08:00

Eight years ago, endorsing U.S. Sen. John McCain in the Michigan Republican presidential primary, the Free Press said he was “an articulate hardliner on how the United States should lead the world” and the best candidate in a GOP field that included George W. Bush. McCain won Michigan, but that proved to be the high-water mark of a campaign that collapsed shortly thereafter, outspent and outmaneuvered by the Bush forces.

Eight years later, he is running again, and JOHN McCAIN is, again, the best candidate to carry the GOP banner into the fall. While the Free Press differs with McCain on a number of issues, the Arizona senator is a smarter, more tested and pragmatic leader who has shown since 2000 that he knows how to build bipartisan alliances around issues. He’s a straight shooter, sometimes to his detriment in the political world, where McCain also loses points for persistently championing needed campaign reforms and criticizing pork-barrel spending that benefits special interests.

McCain’s latest campaign faltered early in this overextended election season. But he had regrouped, and while polls do not show him as the GOP front-runner, they do consistently show that he fares best against any of the leading Democrats. That has to be a consideration for Republican voters with the party expected to lose more ground in Congress next year. McCain, with his appeal to independent voters, looks at this time like the best bet to keep the White House in GOP hands.

A former Navy pilot and Vietnam War prisoner of war whose personal ordeal and triumph make him the most inspiring candidate on either side, McCain is a passionate advocate for national service and volunteerism, and critical of the Bush administration for failing to rally Americans around their country after the horrors of 9/11. McCain said his decision to run again for president was driven by America’s need for stronger, more effective leadership against the threat of radical Islamic terrorists.

Also a vocal critic of the Bush war strategy in Iraq, McCain is alone among the candidates in calling for an increase in U.S. forces there to stop the violence and a long-term American presence to keep the peace. That’s not what the American people want to hear, but McCain’s assessment of the situation in Iraq appears to be the most realistic of anyone running.

McCain would close the U.S. prison for terror suspects at Guantanamo and move them into the military justice system. He has offered legislation with explicit bans on torture, an issue McCain is uniquely qualified among the candidates to address, and speaks eloquently about the importance of the United States regaining its moral leadership around the world.

McCain comes at health care first from a cost-cutting vantage; he is not an advocate for a national single-payer system. He supports more choice in education and favors federal subsidies to help displaced industrial workers maintain their standard of living while in retraining for new jobs. McCain said he would oppose any federal effort to divert Great Lakes water to growing or dry parts of the country.

As for the rest of the GOP field, Michigan-born former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney has morphed into what he seems to believe is the perfect conservative Republican in pursuit of the presidential nomination. He says his positions have changed with knowledge and experience — or perhaps with a sense of opportunity in this first election since 1952 with neither an incumbent president nor vice president in the field.

Certainly Romney has been a capable manager of every challenge he has ever faced, and his Michigan roots might help a state that surely needs more friends in Washington, but who knows what Romney might morph into in the White House?

Former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee has the right ideas on health care — streamlining the system, tax credits for low-income households, deductions for insurance costs — but his “fair tax” plan to replace income and payroll taxes with a national sales tax of 23% portends fiscal chaos. The sales tax rate would likely have to be far higher, too, to maintain the government.

Former Tennessee senator Fred Thompson is a thinking person’s conservative, but he flatly fails to inspire at a time when the nation needs some inspiration. Former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani seems temperamentally ill-suited to the White House. U.S. Rep. Ron Paul of Texas, the former Libertarian presidential candidate, may rock the GOP boat with his Internet-based support but would be a disaster as the standard-bearer for the party.

Although he would be 72 on Inauguration Day and the oldest man ever to take the oath, John McCain appears vigorous and up to the enormous challenges facing the next president. He would be a formidable candidate for a party that needs one, and voters in the Jan. 15 Michigan Republican presidential primary should say so by casting a ballot for John McCain.

original post cited from the Detroit Free Press at this link.

2008-01-07T16:50:00.002-08:00

The McCain comeback

2008-01-07T16:50:00.001-08:00

Another improbable chapter in a remarkable life story
Jan. 6, 2008 12:00 AM

The presidential primary race is a long, long campaign that has yet to see its first official primary, the Iowa caucuses notwithstanding.

But, for John McCain, now the presumptive frontrunner among Republicans, the race must seem not merely long, but eternal. How many political lives has the Arizona senator expended since mid-2007?

The McCain campaign saga - of soaring last spring, crash-landing last summer and lofting once more toward the heavens in the depths of winter - is perhaps the most implausible and melodramatic story of the entire implausible, melodramatic contest.

Conservative columnist Rich Lowry called McCain's 2008 comeback "a saga worthy of Tolstoy."

Is that what it is? A political epic masterpiece? A look back at the events of last July tells us one of two stories. Either it tells us a story about the media's capacity for wildly overdramatizing the imminent demise of McCain's once-formidable presidential campaign. Or it tells us yet another emblematic tale of John McCain's ability to persevere under circumstances that might crush a lesser man. Unlike Napoleon, McCain appears to be besting General Winter.

Early in July 2007, the McCain campaign went broke. Over the course of a heady and, yes, headstrong spring '07 march toward the Republican nomination for president, the McCain campaign spent money like it had $100 million in the bank.

Indeed, McCain's campaign managers thought they would have $100 million by early summer. Instead, lagging GOP campaign contributions combined with their spendthrift ways left the McCain camp with just $2 million, a pittance by Clinton-Obama-Romney standards.

On July 2, the campaign laid off 50 workers. Then, on July 10, the deluge of top strategists commenced. Terry Nelson, McCain's day-to-day director, left. And, perhaps most devastating of all, chief strategist John Weaver, a confidante of the senator since 1999 who was considered McCain's answer to Karl Rove, walked out the door with Nelson.

The campaign bloodletting prompted much-respected political analyst, Charlie Cook, to tell The Republic's Dan Nowicki that "the physicians have left the room and now it's the executors of the will taking over. This isn't about strategizing or organizing or messaging, it's now about paying off the bills and sort of winding down."

Another noted analyst, Larry Sabato of the University of Virginia, said the Arizona senator's campaign "has sunk like a rock."

The Times of London predicted McCain could pull out of the race entirely "by early autumn." Indeed, so many media were issuing McCain campaign epitaphs that the Wall Street Journal editorial page felt compelled to observe that the event "is giving the media who once loved him a chance to bury his Presidential campaign."

Then, something changed. Actually one very big event, the war in Iraq, began to change for the better. McCain, the most consistent advocate for fighting terrorists in Iraq with sufficient troops to do the job, rose steadily in the polls just as prospects for peace in that troubled nation improved.

Which suggests the one aspect of the McCain saga that always stayed the same: the candidate's near-mythic capacity to stay the course through very bad times.

So, he lives. And, for the time at least, he thrives. On the eve of the New Hampshire primary, the headline writers no longer concoct funeral dirges. Instead, they read like this one: "McCain: The Republican Heir?"

We'll see. From what we hear, coronation celebrations beat funerals any day.

The only Republican candidate with comprehensive global warming plan

2008-01-07T16:48:00.000-08:00

The only Republican candidate with comprehensive global warming plan. League of Conservation Voters calls him a "leader" on climate issues; Republicans for Environmental Protection, national conservation organization, endorsed him.

Helped introduce in 2003 one of first Senate bills on climate change. Bill was reintroduced in '05 and '07; goal to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 65 percent by 2050. Would set up cap-and-trade system, use some funds from emissions permit auction for nuclear power.

Prefers "profit-motive, free-enterprise-system-driven green technologies." Supports use of cleaner coal technology if it reduces greenhouse gas emissions and includes carbon capture and storage. Backs higher vehicle fuel efficiency standards but sets no target. Supports alternative bio-fuels, but not subsidies for ethanol.

Opposes drilling in Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Supports protecting national parkes.

"Ensuring clean air, safe and healthy water, sustainable land use, ample greenspace —and the faithful care and management of our natural treasures, including our proud National Park System — is a patriotic responsibility."

2008-01-04T07:34:00.001-08:00

Alive! The John McCain Story

2008-01-04T07:32:00.000-08:00

Alive!
By JAMES CARNEY

John McCain took home a modest fourth place finish in the Iowa caucuses, garnering 13 percent of the Republican vote. But he may be as big a winner as Mike Huckabee. Huckabee's knockout of Mitt Romney in the caucuses was exactly what the McCain campaign, which spent little time or money in Iowa, needed from the state. McCain decided several months ago to stake his entire campaign on New Hampshire, where he is ahead of Romney (who governed next door in Massachusetts) in the most recent polls. Now that Romney has been severely wounded in Iowa, and with New Hampshire's Republicans historically cool towards Christian conservatives, McCain is suddenly poised to win big on Jan. 8 — and, perhaps, beyond.

That McCain is even in the race — let alone in a position to compete for the GOP nomination — hardly seemed possible just a few months ago, when his once front-running campaign nearly collapsed in debt and chaos. "The people who mishandled his campaign did him an enormous favor — they blew up a campaign that couldn't win," says an unaffiliated Republican consultant. "They destroyed his bases and mangled his supply lines. They left him only the option of falling back on himself and his instincts to fight a guerrilla-style campaign. And that's the only way he can win."

The Fall

Whether that's true is still several primaries away from being determined, but it's undeniable that McCain bombed as an establishment candidate.

In early 2007, McCain — anointed by the press and the party as the GOP front-runner — set out to run a national campaign with a huge staff, big-name endorsements and all the expensive trappings of a well-funded, unstoppable machine. It was the complete opposite of his famously scrappy 2000 run, when he emerged from the low single digits to beat the establishment choice, George W. Bush, by 18 points in New Hampshire — only to lose the fight for the nomination in the weeks thereafter. McCain had placed all his energy and scarce resources into New Hampshire in 2000 because that was all he could do. In 2008, he planned to play a bigger game.

But McCain appeared spooked by his own strategy. On the stump he was cautious, scripted, and far too focused on ingratiating himself with all the groups and special interests that by and large, never trusted him to begin with. Behind the scenes, his campaign was torn by strategic chaos and riven by feuds between consultants charging massive retainers.

By mid-July, McCain's funding had dried up and much of his staff was either let go or walked out. Many political professionals, even those close to him, assumed he was staying in the race merely out of pride — or because he needed to raise enough money to pay off the campaign's considerable debts. His candidacy had become a textbook example of how not to run.

The Comeback

Mike Dennehy can pinpoint the moment he realized McCain was no longer a dead candidate walking. It was the weekend before Thanksgiving, when 100 people turned up to hear McCain speak at a coffee shop in the tiny town of Colebrook in the northern reaches of New Hampshire. "That's a lot of people in Colebrook," says Dennehy, McCain's national political director (the town's population is under 2,500). "But it didn't hit me until two hours later when we had a town hall meeting in Haverhill. There were 200 people — a good crowd — but most importantly, people came up to him afterward and said, 'You've got my vote.' It was the first time that had happened all year."

What turned it? Partly, McCain's refusal to give up — the innate stubbornness of a man who has experienced far grimmer moments than a lost election. It helped, too, that the surge in Iraq, which McCain loudly supported, began to produce positive results, which in turn removed the war from the front pages. And McCain certainly wasn't hurt by the spitball match between Romney and Huckabee in Iowa.

But there was also an unmistakable reversion to form. Unburdened of the expectations that came with being the front-runner, McCain started enjoying himself again — pushing his 71-year-old body as hard as any of his younger rivals. He gassed up the Straight Talk Express and began touring New Hampshire the way he did in 2000, holding town hall after town hall — talking to, joking with and occasionally sparring with anyone who cared to show up. "He put this campaign on his back," says Mark Salter, the top aide who co-wrote all of McCain's books with the Senator. "He went out there and worked. Nobody puts on the show he puts on. He gets hard commits. Obama gets massive rallies. But McCain just wins them, one guy at a time. It adds up." Says Scott Reed, who ran Bob Dole's campaign in 1996: "McCain has lived off the earth better than anybody."

But will 2008 just be a replay of 2000 for McCain? If he wins New Hampshire, will he have the support and the resources to keep on winning — in Michigan and South Carolina, and then on to Florida and the Super Tuesday states?

As Huckabee and McCain have already shown, almost any outcome seems possible in this unusual election cycle. Huckabee could use his personal charm to expand his appeal beyond his evangelical base. Mitt Romney, with a personal fortune he's shown himself more than willing to tap, could bounce back, challenge McCain in New Hampshire and go on to wage a war of attrition for the nomination. And Rudy Giuliani could — as his campaign planned long ago — impose order on a chaotic primary season, win Florida and then cruise to victory in California, New York and other big states on Feb. 5.

Or maybe, after rising from near political death, John McCain will keep the surprises coming.

2008-01-03T09:24:00.001-08:00

McCain comes back from dead

2008-01-03T09:21:00.000-08:00

Republican race given a new edge as John McCain comes back from dead
Tim Reid in Des Moines and Tom Baldwin in Ames
Jan 3, 2008

A newly competitive John McCain tore up his campaign schedule and raced to Iowa yesterday with new polls signalling one of the most remarkable political comebacks of recent times.

Mr McCain, who had largely abandoned Iowa after polls showed him as an also-ran there, returned on the eve of its caucuses having suddenly leapfrogged into third place. His resurgence in the “Hawkeye state” comes as two new polls show him overtaking Rudy Giuliani as the national Republican front-runner.

Mr McCain, who was largely written off last summer after his campaign fell apart, hopes that a strong third-place finish in Iowa will give him unexpected momentum when New Hampshire votes five days later, a state where he has opened up a small lead over Mitt Romney, his chief rival, for the first time.

Mr McCain, seeking at 71 to become the oldest first-term president in US history, had planned to campaign in New Hampshire while his rivals tore across Iowa on the final full day of campaigning before caucus night.

But with the Des Moines Register poll placing him third, he abandoned the “Granite state” and began a 30-hour bus tour of Iowa, speaking in diners, ice-cream parlours and school gymnasiums. As he arrived, a Pew national poll showed him on 22 per cent, two points ahead of Mr Giuliani, the longtime front-runner. In an extraordinary admission, he also told a voter that if elected, he might just serve one term in the White House, because of his age.

Mr McCain’s political resurrection is the latest twist in the highly volatile Republican race. Mr Romney, who has spent millions of his own fortune to establish himself as the unassailable Republican candidate in Iowa and New Hampshire, is battling Mike Huckabee for first place in Iowa, and Mr McCain for supremacy in New Hampshire. Both are too close to call.

Mr Romney, seeking to become the first Mormon president, has clawed back to parity with Mr Huckabee in Iowa after losing his lead in November. He has unleashed a series of attack adverts against the former Arkansas Governor, who has not helped himself in recent days after several stumbles on foreign policy, his greatest vulnerability.

Mr Huckabee, continuing his sometimes freewheeling campaign, spent Tuesday campaigning with Chuck Norris, the former world karate champion and Hollywood action hero. Last night he left Iowa and flew to California to record an appearance with Jay Leno on his Tonight show.

Before he left, Mr Huckabee, a Baptist minister, appeared before a meeting of sympathetic bloggers, telling them they were “doing the Lord’s work” for promoting his once-long-shot campaign on the internet.

He then headed to a rally for 2,000 people at a nightclub, where he grabbed a bass guitar and, with his rock’n’roll band Capitol Offense, belted out numbers such as Twist and Shout and Blue Suede Shoes.

At a pizza parlour in Sergeant Bluff, he underlined the importance of turning out support, saying: “Don’t go alone. Take people with you. Fill up your car. Rent a van. Hijack your church’s bus, whatever you’ve got to do to get people to the caucus who are going to vote for me.”

Mr Huckabee is relying on the energy of Iowa’s evangelical Christians, who make up 40 per cent of Republican caucus-goers. Mr Romney, meanwhile, is relying on brutal efficiency and the sophisticated ground operation he has spent months, and tens of millions of dollars, building.

In appearances across Iowa, he adopted a more positive tone after the recent attacks on Mr Huckabee and Mr McCain, although the bitter exchanges continued. Mr Huckabee’s campaign manager said in one interview that he wanted to knock Mr Romney’s teeth out. McCain aides continued to mock Mr Romney for suggesting that presidents do not need foreign policy experience.

Thirty miles away, at a rally in Ames, Mr Romney made frequent references to his wife of 38 years and five sons. “We will do our best to show people around the world that there are pretty good folk in the White House and this is how families – moms and dads – are supposed to work,” he said. He suggested that his family would not sully the White House, and that the Clintons did.

Mr Giuliani is trying to defy history by ignoring the early states and focusing on the delegate-rich later contests. On caucus day in Iowa he will campaign in Florida. Fred Thompson, the former senator and Law & Order star, is hoping for a third-place finish in Iowa to boost his candidacy.

2008-01-03T09:20:00.001-08:00

2008-01-03T09:19:00.001-08:00

McCain takes national Republican lead: Pew poll
16 hours ago

WASHINGTON (AFP) — Republican Senator John McCain has moved into the national lead for his party's nomination for the presidency, according to a poll released Wednesday on the eve of the first voting.

The Pew Research Center's nationwide survey gave McCain 22 percent support among Republican voters, two percent ahead of former New York mayor Rudy Giuliani, who had led the Republican field by a wide margin for most of 2007.

Surging into a close third was ex-Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee, who is leading polls to win the Republican caucuses in Iowa on Thursday, the first state to vote on candidates for the November 2008 presidential election.

In March Giuliani topped the broad Republican field nationally with 35 percent support in the Pew poll, against 24 percent for Arizona Senator McCain and only two percent for Huckabee.

And in September McCain, considered a moderate Republican was being counted out of the race when his support dropped to 16 percent and Giuliani still held 33 percent.

However, the three frontrunners still fall into the five-percent margin of error in the poll of 471 Republican voters around the country.

And polls ahead of the individual state caucuses and primaries show sharply different readings from national polls.

Among Democratic candidates nationally, Senator Hillary Clinton remains the frontrunner, Pew said, with 46 percent support, compared to Senator Barack Obama's 26 percent backing and 14 percent for ex-senator John Edwards.

John McCain: The Old Warhorse

2008-01-03T09:18:00.001-08:00

January 03, 2008
John McCain: The Old Warhorse
By Victor Davis Hanson

Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., early on was thought to be the frontrunner for the 2008 Republican presidential nomination. But by summer 2007, he had been written off as a has-been. His poorly funded, lackadaisical campaign nearly ensured that he was put out to pasture before the primary races even began.

While he faded, the media went gaga first over Sen. Barack Obama, D-Ill, then former Sen. Fred Thompson, R-Tenn., and most recently former Gov. Mike Huckabee, R-Ark. Yet now the nearly forgotten McCain is surging back.

Compared to the flashy Obama or mannequin-like former Sen. John Edwards, D.-N.C., McCain still looks tired and pale on the trail - except when he nearly loses his explosive temper and turns beet-red.

McCain has survived malignant melanoma and at times his face still appears craggy and swollen. His shoulders seem frozen, the result of years of torture as a prisoner of war held by North Vietnamese communists. If he wins in November, McCain, at 72, would be the oldest to enter the presidency - and, unlike Ronald Reagan, he will look it.

Liberals once flirted with McCain as a maverick when he ran in the primaries against the more conservative George W. Bush in 2000 - but then they also assumed that Vice President Al Gore would naturally succeed Bill Clinton in the general election.

Now, though, they have little good to say about him. McCain never gave up on the unpopular Iraq war, loudly calling for both the appointment of Gen. David Petraeus and a surge of additional troops. His promises to cut spending rather than to raise taxes aren't exactly endearing to Democrats.

Conservatives can't even count all the ways they have soured on him. Libertarians were furious that the McCain-Feingold campaign-financing law impinged on unfettered political expression. McCain never supported Bush's massive tax cuts that spurred the economy. But he did team with Sen. Ted Kennedy, D-Mass., to craft a comprehensive immigration bill that included de facto amnesty to illegal aliens.

The Christian Right opposed his support for human-embryo stem-cell research. On issues like global warming and shutting down the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, McCain has sounded like Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., or Kennedy.

Why, then, has this old warhorse trotted back into the Republican race?

There are a number of good reasons that transcend ideology, and they loom larger every month of this topsy-turvy campaign.

First, in a campaign year of crass political reinventions, McCain does not flip-flop. Instead, he seems to enjoy telling people what they don't want to hear. Apparently, at his age, and after what he went through in Vietnam, there is no reason to begin trimming the truth now.

To those more liberal, McCain insists that the surge is working and we will secure Iraq - only to explain to conservatives why we can't, either practically or morally, deport all 11 million illegal aliens. He seems more opposed to pork barrel and deficit spending than doctrinaire conservatives.

Second, McCain has the most diverse experience of any of the candidates in either party. Sens. Obama and Hillary Clinton, D-N.Y., may bicker over whether being first lady or growing up in Indonesia constitutes the better foreign-policy background. But no one would question McCain's far greater breadth of service: carrier aviator, combat pilot, wounded veteran, tortured while a prisoner of war for five and a half years, U.S. congressman and senator for a combined quarter-century, 2000 presidential candidate. And the list only goes on.

Third, we are still in a war on several fronts - as we were reminded recently by the assassination, likely by al-Qaida, of pro-American Pakistani Benazir Bhutto. Many of the other inexperienced candidates fumbled in their initial reactions to Bhutto's murder.

Obama ludicrously associated her death with the Iraq war. Huckabee, in Jimmy Carter fashion, apologized to Pakistan for the assassination - although he did not explain why. Former New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson demanded that Gen. Musharraf step down - as if we can snap our fingers and choose nuclear Pakistan's leaders.

McCain in contrast kept his cool. He candidly admitted that the tragic loss of Bhutto was a setback to American democratic objectives, while reminding us that a nuclear Islamist Pakistan is unstable and doesn't present America with any good choices. In this war, having a veteran fighter and savvy old statesman as commander-in-chief makes a lot of sense.

I don't know whether plain-speaking John McCain will win the presidency. But so far he's proved the most experienced of the candidates, and he's run the most principled and honest of the campaigns. Other candidates may be younger, better financed and more charismatic; none has more earned America's trust.

Victor Davis Hanson is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and author, most recently, of "A War Like No Other: How the Athenians and Spartans Fought the Peloponnesian War." You can reach him by e-mailing author@victorhanson.com.

McCain's bet on N.H. paying off

2008-01-03T09:17:00.001-08:00

NASHUA, NH - With the state virtually to himself, Sen. John McCain appears on the verge of seizing control of New Hampshire's Republican primary as he rides momentum that may have been partially fueled by the decision of his main rivals to focus their resources elsewhere in recent days.

McCain, who won a dramatic primary victory here eight years ago over George W. Bush, made a decision to spend the bulk of his time after the Christmas holidays on the Granite State, while a key rival, former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, opted to pull out all the stops for Thursday's Iowa caucuses.

Another top GOP candidate, former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani made a feint late in the fall towards competing in New Hampshire. But he has subsequently deemphasized the state while placing a major wager on the Jan. 29 primary in Florida, where he has been spending valuable campaign time.

The result, according to GOP activists here, has been an erosion of Giuliani's support in New Hampshire, with McCain reaping the benefits. Two polls released on Wednesday show McCain making major gains among likely GOP voters in Tuesday's primary, while Giuliani's support slackens.

Perhaps in an effort to stem that erosion, Giuliani made a quick campaign stop here Wednesday afternoon with another event scheduled for Thursday morning before flying on to Florida.

In one survey by CNN in partnership with WMUR, a local television station, McCain is now tied with Romney, with each claiming 29 percent of the vote. The poll was conducted by the University of New Hampshire. While the poll showed McCain picking up 10 percentage points during December, Giuliani's support dropped by 7 points.

In a second poll by Suffolk University and WHDH-TV, McCain is shown as leading Romney, 31 percent to 25 percent.

-- Finlay Lewis, Copley News Service

On New Year's Eve, McCain methodically worked his way through a demanding schedule with five meet-and-greet events. The next day, a holiday for most Americans, he braved a snowstorm to shake hands in a diner in Tilton. That caused at least one longtime Democrat, John Patrick Kelly, a retired Boston firefighter, to declare he just might vote for McCain on Tuesday.

"Man, he came through this mess," said Kelly, now a Tilton resident. "You gotta admit it: he's a pretty stand up guy."

A few booths away, Robert Haynes, pastor of an evangelical church in Manchester, reacted in much the same way. He said he was still weighing a vote for Romney but that the scales were shifting in McCain's favor.

"I'm glad to meet John face to face - to thank him for supporting the troops," said Haynes, a National Guardsman who was deployed to the Persian Gulf for the 1991 war to expel Iraq from Kuwait and then in 2004 to Iraq as a platoon sergeant for an MP unit.

"I can respect a man who stands by his convictions, regardless of the polls," said Haynes, 40. "That's a quality every president needs to have."

Pollster Dick Bennett called McCain's decision to concentrate on New Hampshire "brilliant," and added, "He had this magic eight years ago. He didn't lose it. But people are now paying attention to him again. He is in his element."

Said Fergus Cullen, chairman of the New Hampshire Republican Party, "McCain has been here, working his butt off -- doing tons of town hall meetings and speaking to thousands of voters -- and in the process dominating local earned media coverage as well at a time when other candidates were by and large out of state."

Posted by Michael Smolens January 2, 2008 03:22 PM

2007-12-31T09:02:00.000-08:00

John McCain: Honesty and Integrity

2007-12-30T13:27:00.001-08:00

John McCain: Honesty and integrity

SIOUX CITY -- Iowans have an opportunity/responsibility to hand the country and the world our educated decision on who best defines honesty and integrity. It’s clear where our own legendary Col Bud Day stands. He spent more than five years in a POW camp with fellow-pilot John McCain and proudly says, “Without reservation, I know Johnny is the best candidate and most prepared to be our next president and commander in chief.”

The entire world looks to the United States for leadership based on honesty and integrity. To gain and secure the support of other countries on the war on terrorism, they need to know we have a leader who does not flip-flop on issues based on surveys or polls. They also must be confident in the honesty and integrity our president and his administration possess. Our next president of the United States must have all of these characteristics and more.

Those of us who are old enough to vote, we will be handing the future of this country and our children with the decision we make on Jan. 3, 2008. No other candidate running for president this time around has ever been tested as has Sen. John McCain. Not only can he lead, but he can generate support from other countries in making this a safer world. Please join me in supporting Col. Bud’s POW friend, John McCain. -- R. Doc Zortman

McCain hoping for last minute surprise in Iowa

2007-12-30T13:25:00.000-08:00

McCain hoping for last-minute surprise in Iowa
Dan Nowicki
The Arizona Republic
Dec. 29, 2007 12:00 AM

CEDAR FALLS, Iowa - Sen. John McCain suddenly seems to have found political footing in Iowa, long viewed as an unreachable prize for the presidential candidate from Arizona.

For months, McCain has barely been a factor in the Republican nomination race here, the state he wrote off in 2000 and nearly did again this year.

But with Iowa's influential caucuses less than one week away, McCain in recent days has begun generating a positive buzz that has lifted him in some polls and could translate into a higher finish than anyone expected only weeks ago. The question is whether the clock will run out too soon for McCain to hit any stride. advertisement

Expectations still remain low, and McCain wants to keep them that way. The reason is because any surprisingly strong showing in Iowa next Thursday - and not necessarily a win - could give McCain a much-needed national media bounce going into the crucial New Hampshire primary just five days later.

"So please predict that I will finish 12th, and anything above that, I'll be the Comeback Kid," McCain jokingly told reporters Thursday after an evening appearance before the Iowa Christian Alliance.

In a more sober moment, McCain added, "I'm hopeful, but, realistically, we have a very tough job here."

McCain's dance with Iowa voters is tricky because he has a history of battling with social conservatives, ethanol promoters and opponents of illegal immigration. McCain also declined to participate in the Aug. 11 GOP straw poll in Ames, which some Iowa Republicans viewed as a snub. The battle between the two Iowa front- runners, former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee and former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, is overshadowing the Republican race.

Still, McCain has several reasons to feel good:

• Once stalled in single digits, McCain has risen to third or fourth place in recent polls, often neck and neck with former Sen. Fred Thompson, R-Tenn. A whirlwind, three-day statewide tour this week found McCain addressing enthusiastic crowds.

• The assassination of former Pakistan Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto presented McCain with an opportunity to speak authoritatively on foreign policy, one of his strengths. McCain interrupted his Iowa stumping several times to grant television interviews on the crisis.

• The endorsement of Sen. Sam Brownback, R-Kan., a social conservative who dropped out of the presidential race, has given McCain entree into Iowa's religious GOP community. McCain on Thursday announced an "Iowans of Faith for McCain Coalition" that prominently features several former Brownback supporters. McCain also has made a modest Christian-radio media buy, said Jon Seaton, his Iowa director.

• McCain has captured the editorial endorsements of the Des Moines Register and the Davenport-based Quad-City Times, two of Iowa's largest newspapers, as well a few others.

"I'm sure that if McCain came in third, he would be ecstatic," said Arthur Sanders, a professor of politics and international relations at Drake University in Des Moines. "He would get a lot of good press out of that. A McCain third-place finish would probably be one of the big stories on the Republican side."

Even a lower-place finish could benefit McCain under certain circumstances, such as if it is an extremely close race, Sanders said.

After a Thursday morning rally near Des Moines, a journalist asked McCain if a fourth- or fifth-place Iowa finish was good enough.

"That's up to you," McCain answered. "The expectations level is set by the media, not by me."

Few political experts are willing to forecast a winner in this year's hotly contested caucuses. Turnout is key, and candidate organizations are vital. Inclement weather, which blanketed Des Moines and other parts of the state in snow this week, or other factors could keep voters home.

"Caucuses are just very hard to predict because you don't know who's going to be able show up at 7 o'clock on a given night in order to do it," said Dave Roederer, McCain's Iowa chairman. "I feel good. I don't feel great, but I feel good. In fairness, we're going into this with low expectations."

The warm reception McCain received Thursday from the Iowa Christian Alliance, formerly known as the Christian Coalition of Iowa, is another sign that things have changed for him in the state.

Steve Scheffler, the alliance's president, told the crowd that he would trust McCain with the security of the United States "even more than (former New York City Mayor) Rudy Giuliani" and added that he admired McCain's stand against federal subsidies for ethanol, the corn-based fuel additive that is a priority of Iowa farmers.

"That's kind of a gutsy position to take here in Iowa," Scheffler said in introducing McCain. "But I think a lot of people, whether you agree with a person totally or not, you come to respect somebody when you know what you see is what you get."

When McCain took the microphone, he sounded familiar themes about his opposition to wasteful pork-barrel spending and abortion rights and support for victory in Iraq and against al-Qaida terrorists, although he sometimes tailored his message to his religious audience.

McCain praised evangelicals who share his interest in doing something about climate change.

"My friends, we do have a biblical obligation to care for our planet," McCain said.

From late Wednesday until Friday, McCain made stops in Council Bluffs, Urbandale, Clear Lake, Cedar Rapids, Cedar Falls and West Burlington. With no television commercials on the air, McCain campaigned the old-fashioned Iowa way: meeting with groups and taking questions, shaking hands and posing for photos.

He then returned to New Hampshire, considered his make-or-break state, but he plans to revisit Iowa on Wednesday and Thursday for eleventh-hour campaigning.

Concord Monitor endorses McCain

2007-12-30T13:24:00.000-08:00

Concord Monitor endorses Clinton, McCain
By James Pindell December 29, 2007 06:01 PM
PORTSMOUTH, N.H. -- A small, but influential liberal New Hampshire newspaper announced its endorsement of Hillary Clinton's presidential campaign tonight.

In an editorial to be published tomorrow, the Concord Monitor had plenty of nice things to say about many of the Democrats running in the state's Jan. 8 primary, but chose Clinton because of her "ambitious to-do list".

"Hillary Clinton's unique combination of smarts, experience and toughness makes her the best choice to win the November election and truly get things done," the paper wrote.

In Saturday's paper the Monitor endorsed John McCain for the Republican race.

2007-12-30T13:17:00.001-08:00

Bhutto's assassination brings foreign policy back in focus

2007-12-30T13:12:00.000-08:00

Bhutto's assassination brings foreign policy back into focus

By Shmuel Rosner

If Mike Huckabee wins in Iowa, he'll need a good score in New Hampshire. If Hillary Clinton loses in Iowa, she'll have to win in New Hampshire. If Barack Obama wins in Iowa, he might be able to take out Clinton in New Hampshire.

But it all depends on John Edwards not winning in Iowa, thereby upping the ante in New Hampshire. If Mitt Romney survives in Iowa and wins in New Hampshire, he could once again claim to be the leading candidate. Advertisement

If John McCain wins in New Hampshire, that would make him this year's comeback kid. If Rudy Giuliani is right, Iowa and New Hampshire won't be that important this year. The only thing that will matter will be Tsunami Tuesday: the big February 5 primary day. And if the tsunami is good for Giuliani, why can't it be good for Clinton?

So many scenarios, and all of them are still hypothetical possibilities. As we enter the first week of voting in Iowa, the number of experts who are bold enough to predict the results decreases as the number of candidates increases.

The analysts don't know who will win. Their ability to name the crucial issues that will help someone win is even worse. It's time to say it outright: In many cases, the reason for victory - or the election campaign's main theme - becomes apparent only after the elections are won. What we have here is a retrospective theme, hindsight wisdom.

For example, why did Bill Clinton win in 1992? Was it because of his "It's the economy stupid" slogan, or was it because Ross Perot, the independent candidate, divided the right-wing vote, preventing the incumbent George H.W. Bush from obtaining his otherwise attainable second term?

One could say that Clinton never persuaded half the voters to vote for his agenda. In his favor, one could say that Clinton was very observant in constructing his agenda, because Perot, too, contended for the job on the "economy, stupid" platform.

Last week's events in Pakistan have put the question of theme back on the agenda for the 2008 presidential elections. Matters that pertained to American foreign policy - matters that stood in the campaign's center for many months - have all but disappeared in recent weeks. They were barely mentioned in the candidate's battle for Iowa. But now, Pakistan has shoved these issues back down the candidates' throats.

As foreign policy becomes more dominant in the election campaign, Israel will draw closer to its center. Giuliani mentioned Israel vicariously on Thursday morning in relation to terrorism. He said it made no difference whether it was New York, London or Tel Aviv that was targeted.

But any discussion on the Middle East - be it about Iran, Islamic fundamentalism, nuclear proliferation or American interests in the region - is a discussion that directly concerns Israel.

In 2004, two days before the elections, a new tape by Osama Bin Laden assisted George W. Bush's reelection. Or, at least, that's what John Kerry, who ran against Bush, believes.

Similarly, if Clinton and McCain prevail during the next two weeks, their adversaries will be able to claim that the Pakistani assassin who killed Benazir Bhutto dropped the nail that had slowed Obama and Huckabee's galloping racehorse.

It is generally accepted that the more seasoned candidates - Clinton and former U.N. ambassador Bill Richardson on the Democrats' side and McCain and Giuliani on the Republican side - are more experienced in foreign policy than the newcomers.

Clinton was quick to remind her listeners that she personally knew Bhutto. She was able to tell the public that she had visited Bhutto more than 10 years ago with her daughter Chelsea. Rookie candidates like Obama and Huckabee would have trouble flaunting such personal connections. They hadn't been around long enough for Bhutto to take the trouble to know them.

Huckabee already demonstrated bewildering ignorance when it became clear he didn't know about the release of the National Intelligence Assessment on the Iranian nuclear program. He faltered again on Thursday, when he showed he didn't know that Pakistan's state of emergency had been lifted two years ago.

During an appearance in Iowa on Friday, Huckabee tried an interesting stunt. He told his supporters that Pakistani illegal aliens were entering the United States in large numbers - second only to the immigrants pouring in from the Mexican border.

Huckabee seems to believe that he sounds more credible when speaking about immigration, and that the people of Iowa need no more than a superficial explanation on how Pakistan is affecting the United States.

Polls from earlier this year have shown that Americans still place Iraq at the top of their national list of priorities. Maybe that is indeed how they stand, but there is reason to suspect that this is evidence of the force of habit.

In a year's time, when they are called on to vote, a new issue like the economy could position itself on top of that list. Unexpected developments on the international front (Iran, Russia and global terrorism come to mind) might require a complete reassessment.

And of course, there is the possibility that the election will reflect a fleeting mood or sudden show of affection for the personality of one of the candidates. Weather might bring more voters from certain states to the ballots.

Or the taller candidate could win, as is usually the case.

2007-12-30T13:11:00.000-08:00

John McCain busts a move

2007-12-30T13:10:00.000-08:00

John McCain busts a move

By Salena Zito
TRIBUNE-REVIEW
Sunday, December 30, 2007

Hands down, John McCain is the buzz in New Hampshire. After a political freefall in the summer, the man who swept Granite State Republicans and independents in 2000 has gone and done a Lazarus, resurrecting his presidential candidacy.
He did it the old-fashioned way: He earned it.

"Townhall meeting by townhall meeting, bus ride by bus ride, and endless phone calls to local talk show hosts, are what have put McCain back on the map in New Hampshire," says David Carney, a GOP political strategist not affiliated with any campaign.

One of those local radio talk show hosts, former Democrat candidate for governor Arnie Arnesen, agrees. "(D)espite many voters' disappointment with his dismal campaign ... the charisma, smarts and straight talk of McCain did not evaporate with voters over the last eight years."

More important, Arnesen says, no negative news has come out about McCain: "No illegals cutting his lawn, no clemency cases in Arkansas, no trophy wife, no Bernie Kerik or curious housemates who happen to be gay ... we know who he is, and with the war in Iraq taking second place to the new gorilla in the room, the economy, suddenly McCain becomes attractive again."
"Death spiral" and "death-watch" were all the talk of McCain in July. Fresh off an ugly and losing illegal-immigration battle, McCain's campaign imploded. Longtime adviser John Weaver exited, causing a domino effect that left McCain's campaign bare-boned and broke.

Most political soothsayers predicted he would never make the next filing deadline. Yet Weaver, who gave his first post-McCain interview in September, bucked conventional wisdom by predicting McCain would re-emerge in late December.

And he has, according to New Hampshire's polling average as of Friday. He's climbed to within 5.6 percentage points and is in second place behind Mitt Romney, who's been taking it on the chin in the Granite State's leading editorial pages.

Weaver's prediction was considered foolish. Today, he is a political Nostradamus.

"John has done a phenomenal job on his own," says Weaver. "You have to give him credit for it. He has run his campaign in New Hampshire on his back.

"John's re-emergence also has a lot to do with the times that we live in. Remember, we are a nation at war against an enemy that does not wear a uniform. You have to ask yourself, who has been prepared to lead us in this global struggle that we are in?"

"Experience in foreign policy and (the) military matters," says Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C.

Graham, who chairs McCain's campaign in the critical first-in-Dixie South Carolina primary, says people tend to forget how volatile the world is -- until an event such as the assassination of former Pakistani leader Benazir Bhutto reminds them. "Calm can be replaced by a monumental event in seconds. John McCain is the one candidate that will rise to the occasion."

McCain, now running fourth in South Carolina, lost to Bush there in 2000, in part, because he was not prepared. "That is not the case this time," Graham says. "We have the majority of the political network and a phenomenal veterans coalition. This time, we are ready."

"But," he cautioned, "you cannot look at John winning South Carolina if he does not win in New Hampshire and Michigan. Momentum probably matters in South Carolina more than anything."

"McCain's re-emergence proves just how unsettled the Republican race is," says professor Bert A. Rockman, the head of the political science department at Purdue University. "His rise is mainly a function of skepticism toward the others and his relative popularity among independents."

"Of all the Republican candidates, most Republicans probably know McCain the best," adds Matt Lebo, political science professor at New York's Stony Brook University.

"Over the long run-up to the first primaries, the faults of the other candidates have become more visible. Everyone now realizes there is no perfect candidate. Given more information about all the candidates, McCain compares more favorably."

As for Sen. Graham, he says he never considered dropping his support of McCain or encouraging McCain to drop out. "Are you kidding? There is no fun in running if you don't go down in flames at least two or three times. Our mishap happened early, and that is a good thing. It is better to be strong in December than it is in July."

2007-12-29T19:20:00.000-08:00

A Christmas Story 2007

2007-12-29T19:13:00.002-08:00

John McCain's Christmas Story

By John McCain
December 2007

As a POW, my captors would tie my arms behind my back and then loop the rope around my neck and ankles so that my head was pulled down between my knees. I was often left like that throughout the night.

One night a guard came into my cell. He put his finger to his lips signaling for me to be quiet, and then loosened my ropes to relieve my pain. The next morning, when his shift ended, the guard returned and retightened the ropes, never saying a word to me.

A month or so later, on Christmas Day, I was standing in the dirt courtyard when I saw that same guard approach me. He walked up and stood silently next to me, not looking or smiling at me.

After a few moments had passed, he rather nonchalantly used his sandaled foot to draw a cross in the dirt. We stood wordlessly looking at the cross, remembering the true light of Christmas, even in the darkness of a Vietnamese prison camp. After a minute or two, he rubbed it out and walked away.

That guard was my Good Samaritan. I will never forget that man and I will never forget that moment. And I will never forget that, no matter where you are, no matter how difficult the circumstances, there will always be someone who will pick you up and carry you.

May you and your family have a blessed Christmas and Happy Holidays.

Merry Christmas 2007

2007-12-29T19:13:00.001-08:00

Merry Christmas 2007.